Only 27 days remain before the fourth referendum and the 13th Jatiya Sangsad election. Even now, most people in the country are unable to place full trust in the government’s activities. Political parties are also keeping a sharp watch on the government—sometimes from a distance, sometimes from close quarters.
The current interim government has no party affiliation or electoral symbol, and none of its members are contesting the upcoming election. However, a former adviser to the government, who resigned earlier, is contesting the election as the leader of a new party, the National Citizen Party (NCP). Two other former advisers are also involved in election-related activities in one way or another. Although the government itself is not contesting the polls, political parties are unable to believe that all advisers, the chief adviser, or prominent individuals appointed on a contractual basis and associated with the government are acting with complete neutrality.
Meanwhile, Myanmar has begun creating disturbances again. Cricket diplomacy has started with India. The news that expatriate Bangladeshis will be able to vote is a major positive development. Yet, even amid this good news, a major scandal has spread on social media, causing widespread uproar. The BNP has already lodged a complaint with the Election Commission, alleging that postal ballots were found at the residence of a leader of a political party. The BNP has also objected, claiming that there is subtle manipulation in the order of party names and symbols on the ballots. Jamaat-e-Islami, on the other hand, has warned that if anyone attempts to engineer the election, they will be forced to flee. There are also many questions surrounding the campaigns for the ‘Yes’ and ‘No’ votes in the referendum. From 22 January, candidates will take to the field with their election symbols. If such controversies continue even before that, it naturally raises the question: Honourable sirs, what exactly is happening?
The allegations raised on Tuesday at the Election Commission by Nazrul Islam Khan, head of the BNP’s election steering committee and a member of the party’s standing committee, are serious and concerning. The BNP has objected to the placement of its symbol, the sheaf of paddy, on the postal ballot and has expressed concern after seeing related videos. After meeting the Election Commission, Nazrul Islam Khan told journalists that the BNP had raised objections over the positioning of its symbol on postal ballots. He also complained about videos circulating on social media showing postal ballots sent abroad. He said that on postal ballots sent overseas, the names and symbols of some political parties were placed on the top line, while the BNP’s symbol was positioned in the middle. When the paper is folded, the middle symbol may not be noticed. He said this did not appear to be accidental but deliberate. According to him, the Election Commission claimed it had not noticed the issue, but he believed the design was intentional.
He further said that the incident in Bahrain, after expatriates were given the opportunity to vote by postal ballot, was worrying. He informed the Election Commission that a video showing postal ballots in the hands of leaders of a political party in Bahrain had gone viral. He demanded legal action against those attempting to tamper with ballots. He also alleged that the Election Commission was not treating all parties equally in enforcing the code of conduct. While BNP Chairperson Tarique Rahman postponed his tour of the northern region at the request of the Election Commission, senior leaders of other parties were holding rallies and seeking votes without any action being taken against them. This raises the question: why should Nazrul Islam Khan have to lodge a complaint about the Bahrain incident? Why did the Election Commission not explain the matter in detail to the public on its own initiative? Is the Election Commission part of some other game?
The Ameer of Jamaat-e-Islami is known to speak with full awareness of what he says. His contemporaries believe that he has been politically conscious since his student days and that his ideological position was anti–Awami League. Possibly for that reason, he entered politics through JaSaD, Chhatra League. After a long and arduous political journey, he has now emerged as a successful leader of a major party like Jamaat. On Monday evening, at an interaction meeting with retired officers of the Bangladesh Armed Forces at the Bangladesh–China Friendship Conference Centre under the slogan “Together Let’s Build Bangladesh”, he raised some important questions.
Addressing the retired officers, he said they wanted an election where every citizen could go to polling centres without fear, vote with joy, and see their votes reflected in the results. Only then, he said, would an election be neutral, free and acceptable. He accused the government and the Election Commission of being “reluctant” and asked where the problem lay. He said good governance begins with a fair and neutral election and that the government and the Election Commission must create an environment in which people can vote for whomever they choose. If they cannot do so, they should step aside. He added that they did not want an “understanding-based” election; the understanding should be between political parties and voters, not with any authority. This raises questions about whom he was hinting at and why such hints were necessary. Why is the Election Commission reluctant? What, then, is happening in Agargaon?
The Chief Adviser’s Special Assistant, Professor Ali Riaz, is primarily an academic and a distinguished scholar. His intellect was evident from his student days at Dhaka University. He is known to act thoughtfully and cautiously. However, his critics say that although he acts knowingly, there is always a “but” behind his actions—one that becomes clear only later. Regardless of criticism, his work bears the mark of intellect. Having completed the process of building consensus on many reform issues, he has now moved into a new phase. He is campaigning on behalf of the government for a ‘Yes’ vote in the referendum, warning that fascism will return if ‘Yes’ does not win.
There are many people in society who are neither fascists nor collaborators of fascists, yet do not approve of the government’s actions; they may vote ‘No’. This raises serious questions: is the government violating the election code of conduct by campaigning for ‘Yes’? Can government officials serving as returning officers or assistant returning officers simultaneously campaign for ‘Yes’? Journalists covering the election are being given special training, yet even expert trainers could not provide clear answers to these questions. The Election Commission has imposed a code of conduct for the 13th parliamentary election, but none has been formulated for the referendum. In the absence of such a code, questions naturally arise as to whether citizens campaigning openly for ‘No’, like Professor Ali Riaz for ‘Yes’, would face legal action or even hostile mobs.
From 22 January, candidates will begin their campaigns after receiving their election symbols. Many whose nomination papers were rejected are still awaiting the outcome of appeals, while those whose nominations were accepted are devising their campaign strategies. Whether this contest will remain a competition or turn into a battle is difficult to say. In academic terms, war refers to organised armed conflict between states, groups or organisations over political, economic, territorial, religious or ideological interests. It is planned and organised, with the aim of defeating the opponent.
German philosopher and military theorist Carl von Clausewitz described war as a continuation of politics by other means, involving violence. A contest, by contrast, refers to a more limited and less organised confrontation, which may be physical, verbal or psychological and can occur in everyday life. The current electoral struggle or battle aims to capture state power and establish ideology. At such a critical moment, Bangladesh is dreaming of leaders like BNP Chairperson Tarique Rahman and Jamaat Ameer Dr Shafiqur Rahman. The outcome of that dream and of this electoral battle will be revealed on Thursday, 12 February.
At this moment, the people of the country see no alternative to an election. Nearly 17 years of Awami League rule and 17 months of interim government have required immense sacrifice from the public. Blood was shed on the streets to remove one side; political parties then had to sit together to decide on reforms, justice and elections to remove the other. Even to secure an election, parties had to put pressure on the interim government. People are exhausted. Over the past 17 months, the public has begun to assess what they have gained and what they have lost. If, due to failures or ill intentions, people begin to feel that “things were better before”, history will not forgive us. And when unforgivable actions are carried out without restraint, those responsible must pay a heavy price. If no lessons are learnt from the fate of those recently ousted, everyone will again ask in unison: “Honourable sirs, what exactly is happening?”
Writer: Executive Editor, Bangladesh Pratidin
