Just 16 months ago, those who were icons of Bangladesh – whom people eagerly waited to catch even a glimpse of – are today surrounded by questions. Once, the oppressed people of the country had pinned their hopes on them, believing that a new Bangladesh would be built in their hands that a 54-year-long wait would finally come to an end. Those who believed that a discrimination-free Bangladesh would emerge under their leadership are now disillusioned. Because the July fighters themselves are now divided and lost. Why did this happen?
In 2024, under whose leadership we found a new Bangladesh – those brave young heroes who, with limitless courage and firm resolve, fought and snatched victory, who made the impossible possible – why are they today stuck in the quicksand of confusion?
Has our youthful rebellion failed once again, as it did after the great Liberation War of 1971?
To understand the current condition of the heroes of ’24, we must look back at the history of young people in the post–1971 period. After nine months of bloody war, independence was achieved at the cost of the blood of hundreds of thousands of martyrs. Our Liberation War was a saga of youthful heroism. It was the youth of this land who gave their lives for the language; in exchange for their blood, we gained the right to speak in our mother tongue. From 1952 to 1971, at every stage of our struggle for liberation, students and young people provided leadership. After victory, everyone hoped that the youth would lay down their arms and plunge into rebuilding the nation. But that did not happen. A section of the youth went astray after the Liberation War and became involved in various crimes. This confusion among the youth divided Bangladesh. After independence, the country could not move forward toward its desired goals. The recklessness and excesses of a section of the youth led to widespread disappointment.
After the mass uprising of ’24, Bangladesh faced a very similar experience. Following the July Revolution, an interim government was formed on August 8 last year. Under the leadership of Nobel Peace Prize laureate Prof Muhammad Yunus, three student representatives were included in this government. Many political analysts believe this was the biggest mistake after the July Revolution. They lacked the experience required to serve as advisers. An analysis of the interim government’s activities over the past 16 months shows that the student advisers repeatedly put the government in embarrassing situations. In particular, Asif Mahmud and Mahfuj Alam became involved in various controversial activities. Because of these two advisers, a negative perception about the July fighters developed among the public. Many began to ask: what really changed? When allegations of corruption surfaced against the student advisers, people were not only disappointed but also angry. Many remarked that everyone becomes the same once they come to power. The student advisers could not keep themselves free from allegations of corruption.
And it was not only the student advisers. Allegations of transfers-for-favours and influence peddling also emerged against many frontline leaders and activists of the July movement. Accusations of corruption in the appointment of deputy commissioners, corruption in textbook printing, and other irregularities were leveled against young leaders at the forefront of the anti-discrimination student movement. Whether these allegations were true or false is another matter, but ordinary people began to believe that the students had failed to keep themselves free of corruption. During this time, names of people involved in the movement became associated with extortion, case-trading, and mob violence across the country. These incidents severely damaged the image of the heroes of the July Revolution.
At a time when questions and criticism about the “children of the sun” of the July movement were mounting, they announced the formation of a new political party. The general public did not view this political initiative positively. A perception developed that these young people had failed to break free from the vicious cycle of traditional politics – politics, power, corruption – the same old loop. During this period, dramatic changes were noticed in the appearance and lifestyle of frontline July activists. Old and new photos circulating on social media sparked uproar. Suddenly, debates began over the sources of money behind their luxurious lifestyles. As a result, their popularity declined rapidly. This had a direct impact on their political party, the NCP. Many, including Umama Fatema, chose not to join the NCP. As a result, the core strength of the July movement – the anti-discrimination movement – became divided through the formation of the party.
From the moment the NCP was formed, it began to receive favor and patronage from the interim government. Even before registration, the government recognised the party as one of the three main political forces. The chief adviser established a practice of consulting three political parties during any political crisis. BNP and Jamaat are undoubtedly the two main parties at present. But when the NCP began to be included alongside them, many started viewing it as a “king’s party”. This perception solidified when the government changed the law regarding party symbols. The NCP demanded the “Shapla” (water lily) symbol for registration, but the Election Commission rejected it as the symbol was not on the list. The NCP then persisted stubbornly. Eventually, in a meeting of the advisory council, the “Shapla Kali” (water lily bud) was added to the symbol list.
After the formation of the NCP, questions arose not only about the source of its funding but also about its ideology. What exactly was new about its politics? No clear answer emerged. The party’s frantic maneuvering ahead of elections only highlighted its lack of ideological clarity. Initially, it sought to contest elections in alliance with the BNP, but that did not materialise – primarily due to BNP’s reluctance. The BNP, a party that has ruled three times, understands electoral politics well. Realizing the NCP’s limited value at the ballot box, it chose to avoid the alliance. The NCP itself also realized that its popularity was no longer what it had been in August 2024.
Due to the party’s lack of political maturity, internal disagreements emerged, which eventually crystallised around the issue of forming an electoral alliance with Jamaat. Divisions appeared within the NCP over seat-sharing and alliance talks with Jamaat. Nearly one-third of the party’s leaders expressed dissatisfaction with the decision to ally with Jamaat. They argued that after announcing candidates for all 300 seats and selling nomination forms, forming an alliance with Jamaat would be a betrayal of the people.
In protest, 30 NCP leaders sent a letter to Nahid Islam. Senior leaders such as senior joint conveners Samantha Sharmeen, Monira Sharmeen, Nusrat Tabassum, Tajnuva Jabin, senior joint member secretary Tasnim Jara, and Nahida Sarwar Niva opposed the alliance. After the alliance process was finalised, senior joint member secretary Tasnim Jara resigned from the NCP, announcing her decision in a Facebook post on Saturday night. Meanwhile, Samantha Sharmeen warned that the NCP would have to pay a heavy price if it entered into an understanding with Jamaat.
In effect, through the fragmentation of the NCP, another youthful possibility in Bangladeshi politics has died. The youth, despite igniting hope, failed to prove themselves different. They lost their way.
Political analysts believe it would have been best if, after the July movement, these young people had returned to their classrooms and acted as the conscience of the nation – pointing out mistakes whenever political parties went astray. After completing their education, they could have gradually entered politics. Instead, they were shown shortcuts into politics from the very beginning – made advisers, shown easy ways to make money, and encouraged to form a political party. A group led them astray. And that is why the children of the sun of the July movement lost their way.
Audite Karim, Writer and Playwright.Email: [email protected]
