The role played in overthrowing the fascists is not just being dismissed; even among anti-fascists, a rivalry has emerged, marked by mutual attacks and harsh words. Participants seem more focused on belittling one another than acknowledging their shared struggle—a habit of distancing themselves after contributing. Yet the reality remains: only recently, students, the public, and the army risked their lives together to topple the fascists.
What pain have the families of the deceased endured? What agony do the injured and disabled bear? There’s no need to remind anyone; it is visible to anyone who opens their eyes. With elections approaching, the competition could have turned toward who contributed more to that struggle. But instead, trivial matters occupy them. Among themselves, there is sometimes division, sometimes quarrel—a sample of turning a level playing field into a battlefield.
The arrows of accusation are also pointed at the government. Some allege that a few government advisers favor BNP. Some claim they work on behalf of Jamaat. Others say they implement NCP’s agenda or act according to the army’s wishes. Among the myriad accusations, NCP and some other political parties allege that administrative officials are working for BNP and Jamaat. Transfers, promotions, and postings within the administration are allegedly being considered on Jamaat’s political calculations. It is a sudden and regrettable reality show.
Leaders from various parties line up at the principal adviser’s door with complaints, like students reporting to a teacher. The amusing part is that everyone complains, yet no one names names! The BNP supposedly informed the principal adviser but did not make it public. Jamaat’s deputy emir said, “Voice recordings exist.” Adviser Mahfuz Alam, a few days ago, also mentioned—without naming anyone—how BNP-Jamaat had divided posts among secretaries, DCs, and VCs.
He then dropped another explosive revelation. As an information adviser, he shared critical information: political parties are eager for conflict before elections. Indeed, it is alarming news. Mahfuz Alam stated that, so far, due to the principal adviser’s position, they have not engaged in conflict. In his words: everyone is eager for conflict, and within a few months, it will become visible; if this intertwines with religious perspectives, the situation in Bangladesh could worsen. He spoke these words at a national dialogue titled “Mazar Culture: Violence, Crisis, and Future Thoughts” at BMA Bhaban, Segunbagicha, Dhaka, on Saturday, not behind closed doors.
Political realities, mutual accusations among parties, administrative conduct, and information from the adviser must be taken seriously. One must recall the warning and appeal from Army Chief General Waker-uz-Zaman on February 25 last year. He cautioned that if mud-slinging does not stop, the country’s independence and sovereignty could be threatened. He also said: “I am warning you now, so that later you cannot say I didn’t. I have no other desire except to leave the country and nation in a good place. I have had enough for the last seven-eight months. I want to leave the country and nation in a good place when we return to the cantonment.”
Through this statement, the army and its chief made their stance clear. Elections are ahead. People are eager to vote. Businessmen and investors look forward to a stable elected government. The focus should be on how well the election can be conducted. The army will play an important role, and optimism exists. Yet, at such a time, some lists of accusations even pull the army into controversies, often intermittently. Despite rumors and speculation, the army has been active in the field for over a year. In July–August, the soldiers were not just soldiers—they became part of the public, participants in the student-public revolution. This accelerated the fall of fascism. The strong bridge between the army and the people was re-established. Even a common-sense citizen can understand: with coordination among the government, army, and people, the country will not lose its way. There will be no susceptibility to sham, night-time, or dummy elections. MPs’ duty-free vehicles, Rajuk plot sizes, or inducements to bring retired officials on contracts with houses and salaries will not occur. The causes that drove students to the streets against Sheikh Hasina will be addressed.
The army has always been recognized as a strong and neutral institution. Their institutional capacity in updating voter lists, transporting election materials, and securing polling stations has been proven. If political parties cooperate, the army’s role becomes supportive of democracy, not ruling it—a fresh example the world saw in Bangladesh on the 24th. General Waker’s precedent of making the army people-centric rather than power-centric will remain in history. While police and ruling party cadres injured students and the public, army personnel ensured medical care.
Geopolitics and global reality also play a role. Beyond that, fascist rulers in Bangladesh hastened their own downfall through various actions, which indirectly allowed Bangladesh to progress along democratic and developmental paths. Neighboring India sees the rise of extremist Hindutva, politically nurtured by its rulers, leaving the country vulnerable. Bangladesh is not expected to follow that path—a hope for peace-loving citizens. In this context, the army is a place of trust and confidence.
Amid this high expectation, why the tendency to blame the army? Despite praising the army for assisting in trials of 15 former and current officers accused of three crimes against humanity, criticism continues. Two of these cases relate to enforced disappearances and human rights violations under the previous Awami League government, and one relates to the July mass uprising incidents in Rampara and Banshree, Dhaka. The army has facilitated the legal process, showing respect for law. Rumors are again thwarted. Despite various gossip incidents, including international arrest warrants for 25 army officials, the army has cooperated with trials.
Rumors cannot be countered by more rumors. The army has clearly stated: “No compromise with justice.” It has expressed sympathy to families of the disappeared. It has not bypassed tribunal laws or military law but has supported the process at its own pace. The army has fully cooperated with the National Commission formed to investigate enforced disappearances, providing documents and arranging interviews. After trials begin, accused individuals are kept under army custody for proper facilitation. Yet media and public trials proceed even before verdicts. Attempts to blame the whole army for individual actions continue, despite the institution not being involved. The accused were not under direct army command during the events; some were deputed to DGFI or RAB, which are not under army control. Even so, attempts to embarrass the army have failed. For now, the matter is settled. Let old and new attempts to disparage the army end.
An atmosphere of unity, a smooth journey toward the desired election, and the surrounding positive breeze are always weighed down by disruptive rumors. They hope for a cloud of instability and permanent uncertainty. No civilized thinker shares such a desire.
Author: Journalist-Columnist, Deputy Head of News, BanglaVision
