Zahid Maleque, the Member of Parliament representing Manikganj-3, rose through the political ranks to become a minister — and along the way, he is alleged to have accumulated vast wealth through various illicit means. While his electoral constituency was confined to Manikganj-3, his influence and control reportedly spread throughout the entire district.
From sand quarries to vegetable markets, almost every sector in the district reportedly came under Maleque’s control. To maintain his supremacy, he formed his own armed group, which was overseen by his only son, Rahat Maleque.
Following the fall of the Awami League government under Sheikh Hasina’s leadership on 5 August, locals and victims have started coming forward with allegations against Zahid Maleque.
The Manikganj-3 constituency comprises ten unions under Saturia and Manikganj Sadar upazilas, as well as the Manikganj Municipality. Maleque was elected MP four consecutive times from this seat with the Awami League’s “Boat” symbol. Over the past 16 years, during the party’s rule, he reportedly built a 10-storey commercial building in the Manikganj bus stand area, a luxurious farmhouse, a convention center named “Shubhro Centre” after his son, several flats and plots in Dhaka, and a 14-storey BT Tower in Banani. Since his first election in 2008, Zahid Maleque’s wealth has allegedly increased elevenfold.
Maleque exercised absolute authority in the Manikganj District Awami League and its affiliated bodies, personally determining leadership positions. Those who opposed him were swiftly sidelined. Reports claim that he appointed “corrupt and immoral” individuals to local committees in exchange for money. His son Rahat Maleque allegedly played a key role in deciding who would get which position in return for bribes.
Victims allege that most of the sand quarries in the district were controlled by Maleque’s group, which collected hefty monthly payments from the operators. Delays in these payments often resulted in police harassment. When the former minister expressed dissatisfaction with the size of these payments, he reportedly handed full control of the quarries to two of his trusted associates — Abul Bashar alias “Mati Bashar,” general secretary of the district Swechchhasebak League, and Afsar Sarkar. For nearly a decade, Maleque and his men are said to have earned hundreds of crores of taka from this sand business.
He also allegedly formed a powerful syndicate to control the distribution of subsidized fertilizer in the district. Led by Abu Bakkar Tushar, president of the district Swechchhasebak League, this group sold fertilizer on the black market at inflated prices, forcing farmers to buy at higher rates and tripling production costs. Authorities reportedly remained silent out of fear.
Zainal Mia, a farmer from Meghshimol village in Jagir Union, said that while fertilizers were supposed to be available through government dealers, shortages often occurred mid-season, forcing farmers to buy from private shops at two to three taka more per kilogram.
The transportation sector in Manikganj was also allegedly under the grip of Zahid Maleque’s network. Reports suggest that his men collected Tk 2,000 to Tk 2,500 per vehicle along the Dhaka-Aricha Highway under the guise of “GP fees.” This operation was supervised by Zahidul Islam, general secretary of the municipal Awami League, and labor leader Babul Sarkar alias “Kana Babul.” It is estimated that around Tk 200 crore was extorted annually from this sector, with Maleque taking the lion’s share.
Siddiq Mia, a bus owner from Manra in Sadar Upazila, said, “During the Awami League’s rule, the transport sector was like a goldmine for them. Zahidul Islam, who chaired the bus owners’ association, was known as one of Maleque’s closest associates. Ordinary owners like us were held hostage and forced to pay the so-called GP fees. We endured all the oppression silently because Zahidul had the minister’s protection.”
Latif, a transport worker from “Selfie Paribahan,” added that every vehicle traveling between Paturia Ghat and Dhaka’s Gabtoli terminal had to pay between Tk 2,000 and Tk 2,700 in illegal tolls. Zahidul’s brother, Mahidul Islam, and a woman named Mahin Khan reportedly handled the money transactions directly.
Maleque’s influence was not limited to his own constituency; it extended to the other two parliamentary seats in the district. He allegedly decided which contractors would be awarded government projects, aided by certain associates including Sultanul Azam Khan Apel, joint general secretary of the district Awami League. In return, he took a cut of the profits from each project.
Contractor Akram Khan, owner of Messrs Atika Sarker JP, said, “For the past 15 years, those of us who were small contractors have been completely destroyed by Maleque’s syndicate. They manipulated the online bidding process to favor their chosen firms. We often didn’t get paid for completed projects, while the minister’s loyal contractors received partial payments even before finishing their work.”
He also allegedly profited from the recruitment of outsourced staff at the 250-bed General Hospital and Colonel Maleque Medical College Hospital. Each recruit reportedly had to pay between Tk 250,000 and 300,000, with a further demand of Tk 500,000 if their job became permanent. The process was overseen by Maleque’s close aide Afsar Uddin Sarkar.
Zahid Maleque is also accused of using force to ensure that his loyalists were appointed to the management committees of local educational institutions, regardless of merit. As a result, education in the region has reportedly suffered severely, with many institutions on the brink of collapse.
This is how former Health Minister Zahid Maleque allegedly built his fiefdom in Manikganj — a personal kingdom sustained by corruption, intimidation, and control over every major sector of the district.
Bd-pratidin English/ ANI
