It is undeniable that the July Revolution could never have happened without the revolutionaries. The country would have been deprived of a defining uprising in its history, and the 16 years of oppressive weight on the nation could not have been removed. It is thanks to the revolutionaries that every political party now enjoys the freedom to pursue its own course of politics.
For that, the people of the country must surely be grateful to them. But the bitter truth is that over the past year, they have lost much of their acceptance among the people. Those who had rejoiced in their name during July 2024 are now mostly silent. Many have grown disheartened, because what they expected has not been delivered. When expectations are wounded, all people suffer—some openly, some quietly. Yet time has not run out. The love for the revolutionaries has not diminished to nothing. Their final opportunity is still before them. In the face of political divisions and public anxiety surrounding the coming election, the revolutionaries could, if they wished, dispel the tension in an instant. They could reclaim the throne of public affection. Through their efforts to build unity, the disheartened nation could find renewed hope. And that is their last chance to regain lost glory.
The people of this land are, by birth, believers in communal harmony. In the same neighborhood, a puja takes place, and the call to prayer rises from the mosque. The beat of the puja drum, the sound of the conch shell, and the recitation of the Qur’an coexist in harmony. Yet in the midst of this fraternity, a neighboring country has erected an effigy of a demon in the likeness of our revered Chief Adviser. Words fail to condemn such behavior. In the name of religion, they are attempting to sow hostility with their neighbors. Such pettiness deserves nothing but pity. Their distasteful act recalls a poem by Persian poet Sheikh Saadi, which the Bengali poet Satyendranath Dutta rendered into verse as “Uttam O Adham” (The Noble and the Base). Four lines of that poem may be cited: “A dog has done the dog’s own work, / it bit at one’s heel, / but to bite back at the dog, / is it fitting for man’s dignity?”
During the uprising of 2024, when revolutionary Nahid Islam, on 3 August at the Central Shaheed Minar, announced a one-point program instead of nine points, the crowd gave him their full support. When Asif Mahmud Sajib Bhuiyan outlined the movement’s framework, he too was greeted with applause. Soon after, on 5 August, the fascist regime fell, and the revolutionaries became our pride. But for many reasons, those same revolutionaries are today at the center of criticism and controversy.
In neighboring Nepal, a revolution similar to ours took place. Former Chief Justice Sushila Karki assumed the role of interim head of government. She first appointed three ministers, later adding five more, making the cabinet eight members in total. Upon taking office, she announced the date of the general election—5 March 2026—and pledged to fight corruption, create jobs, ensure transparency in government, and pursue development. While congratulating the Gen-Z movement, she instructed everyone to return to their duties, urging students to go back to their classrooms. Not a single revolutionary was placed in her cabinet or in government.
In our country, it happened the opposite way. We still have not even been able to announce the election date. Nobel laureate Dr. Muhammad Yunus, upon forming the interim government, brought the revolutionaries in as advisers and shared power with them. The revolutionaries, delighted at receiving what they considered their fair share, accepted the arrangement. This was their greatest mistake. Had they refrained from taking power and instead acted as a pressure group supporting the government from outside, the nation would have benefitted far more.
Soon after, a group of opportunists—social outcasts styling themselves as anti-discrimination activists—began committing misdeeds across the country. Mob fascism grew rampant. As these unruly elements went unchecked, ordinary people gradually turned against the so-called anti-discrimination forces. Then a new political party, the National Citizen Party (NCP), was formed. At the same time, some revolutionaries began glaring at the army, the army chief, the election commission, and the media. At one point, in response to critical remarks against the army, Chief of Army Staff General Waker-uz-Zaman said, “Those who speak this way are young, of our children’s age. When they grow older, they will realize their mistakes and feel ashamed.”
As time passes, more and more negative issues are tarnishing the revolutionaries’ image. They are now embroiled in debates over justice, reform, and the election itself. As the government moves to form a July Charter with all parties, it is unseemly for revolutionaries to address it with threats. Likewise, declaring “we will not allow the election without our symbol” is an arrogant stance that does them no good. Despite their mistakes, the people still want to keep faith in them. Their image should not be destroyed by flawed behavior.
Politics has always been a slippery path. Once a stumble occurs, it is hard to rise again. The people want the NCP to learn how to walk this path firmly. Mistakes may happen, but not everything they do is wrong. Above all, their greatest achievement is freeing the country from fascism. In the present situation, if the NCP—the party that led the July uprising—makes prudent decisions, they could once again seize the steering wheel of politics.
Right now, the only agenda for all parties is the February election. The leader of the country’s largest political party, Tarique Rahman, may soon return home. His party is selecting candidates for each constituency in preparation for the polls. Once the nominations are finalized, the battle on the ground will begin. Another powerful force, Jamaat-e-Islami, is a step ahead in its electoral strategy, having nominated a candidate for every seat. Its student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir, has recently won major victories in DUCSU and JUCSU, boosting the party’s morale. Jamaat is firmly in favor of implementing the July Charter and Proportional Representation (PR). BNP, on the other hand, opposes PR. These two parties have long been allies in Bangladesh politics, though their relationship has alternated between accord and estrangement. That continues today. Such fluctuations are simply the arithmetic of politics—additions and subtractions of alliances. Other parties too are negotiating their own electoral strategies. In short, no one is sitting idle; everyone is preparing to board the election train.
At this juncture, for the greater good of the country, NCP leaders could take on the role of mediator. If they work to bridge the gap between major parties—especially BNP and Jamaat—while also softening their own rigid demands, they could once again become central to national politics. This is their last chance. For everyone must recognize that the people want elections. The people want peace. They want law and order. They want a prosperous economy.
Durga Puja is the biggest festival of the Bengali Sanatan (Hindu) community, with ancient roots. According to mythology, a demon named Mahishasura once conquered heaven, earth, and the netherworld. The gods then created Goddess Durga, who appeared with ten arms and slew the demon. This is the basis of the Durga Puja festival. Historians say King Kansanarayan of Taherpur, in present-day Rajshahi, first organized Durga Puja. Later, Raja Krishnachandra Ray of Nadia popularized the practice of grand, community-wide celebrations.
Today is Bijaya Dashami, the day when the goddess returns to Kailash. This year, Durga arrived on an elephant and will depart in a palanquin. An arrival on an elephant is considered highly auspicious, bringing fertility and prosperity to the earth. But a departure in a palanquin is regarded as an omen of plague or epidemic. This year in Bangladesh, Durga Puja was celebrated at 33,355 mandaps, an increase from last year.
The reason is that in Bangladesh, regardless of which political party or ideology is in power, communal harmony is stronger here than in neighboring India. We have preserved this harmony through tradition. As a gesture of goodwill during the Puja, our government sent hilsa fish to India. But India, in keeping with its tradition of undermining harmony, desecrated the occasion. In various temples and mandaps, effigies of demons were made in the likeness of our Chief Adviser’s face. This was a disgraceful and petty act, intended to incite communal division and destroy mutual respect. Truly, India proves once again that whoever has it as a friend needs no other enemy. As a neighbor, it has demonstrated this even during a sacred religious festival.
The writer is Executive Editor, Bangladesh Pratidin
