If secret strategies continue to fuel division, deception and vested interests, society, politics and the rule of law will be driven to collapse. Such tactics breed distrust among people, fracture unity and undermine morality and intellect in future leadership emerging from universities and campuses. Instability will obstruct investment flows, increase poverty and unemployment, and erode international confidence. And if mass uprisings or protests are reduced to nothing more than instruments of power struggles rather than quests for justice, the sacrifices of martyrs will be dishonoured and public trust destroyed.
In 2024, Bangladesh once again saw bloodshed in a people’s uprising, where students and citizens sacrificed over 1,500 lives for equality, democracy, voting rights, justice, rule of law and human rights. This harsh reality raises a profound question: is independence merely a change of political power, or is it the promise of a humane, democratic and egalitarian state and society?
Tarique Rahman posed the same question: “The independence of Bangladesh in 1971 was bought with the blood of millions, 7 November 1975 was for a Bangladesh free of domination and subservience, the 1990 movement for a Bangladesh without dictatorship, and the 2024 struggle against fascism. At every turning point in Bangladesh’s history, why did people lay down their lives so readily? What dreams did these martyrs cherish? What kind of Bangladesh did they envision? Fifty-four years should not be too short a time for political activists to answer these questions. For this reason, I believe that remembering their sacrifices with reverence does not end our responsibility as activists or leaders.”
He added: “We can only attempt to repay the martyrs’ noble sacrifice by building the Bangladesh of their dreams. The two most significant milestones in Bangladesh’s history are: 1971, when we achieved independence, and 2024, when we defended the freedom of the nation and its people.”
One of the cornerstones of democracy is transparency and accountability. When decisions are made behind closed doors, politics becomes dependent on cliques, not on the people. In this context, it has become an ‘open secret’ that the administration attempted to engineer outcomes in DUCSU and JUCSU elections by actively favouring student Shibir. Many conscious students had already warned that university administrations were functioning as tactical wings of covert politics. This obstructed democratic campuses and hindered the holistic development of students.
In Islamic history, Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) never engaged in secretive politics. His life was an unparalleled example of transparent, ethical and open leadership. He never concealed his objectives from the people. Whether in war or diplomacy—such as Badr, Uhud, Khandaq, Banu Qurayza, Banu Mustaliq, Mu’ta, the conquest of Makkah, Hunayn, Ta’if, and Tabuk—his campaigns were openly for self-defence, border security, justice and public safety. Even the Treaty of Hudaybiyyah was fully transparent. The Prophet ensured consultation (shura) and participation within the ummah. Truthfulness, justice and human dignity formed the bedrock of his leadership.
Secret politics breeds conspiracy, division and violence, creating mistrust among people. Covert politicians never work through open debate or ideological competition within democratic processes; instead, they expand influence through deception, infiltration and manipulation. For 16 years, the Awami League’s student wing, Chhatra League, has penetrated universities, cultural and social organisations, pushing campuses into environments of division, fear and violence. Jamaat-Shibir and other clandestine networks have also operated covertly not only in Dhaka but across colleges and universities nationwide.
They often disguised themselves—sometimes as debaters, sports organisers, ordinary students or even Chhatra League members—while running their organisational activities. Even when their true identity emerged, old ties kept their networks influential. Under the fascist regime, those who controlled campuses continued to find protection. Thus covert politics came into the open, destroying transparent elections, participatory student politics and the nurturing of democratic leadership.
Those who betrayed the Liberation War of 1971 have never formally apologised. Their lack of remorse has only emboldened them to continue the dark legacy of ’71. Just months ago, student Shibir published an article in its own paper distorting the history of the Liberation War and attempting to demean it. Only after widespread protests on social media were they forced to admit wrongdoing. In August, they organised an exhibition at Dhaka University’s TSC portraying identified war collaborators as ‘martyrs’ and ‘national heroes’. Intense protests by students and left-leaning organisations compelled the university administration to remove the disgraceful display.
Jamaat-Shibir’s politics is rooted in opportunism, not in the values of women’s emancipation, equal rights or progressive ideals. They seek to cover 1971 with 2024, but these two moments are not the same. There is no justification for comparing them. They reject rational thinking, religious and cultural freedom, equality and diversity. Instead, they dream of a monochrome, closed society—a vision in direct conflict with the spirit of Bangladesh’s Liberation War, the dignity of independence, the ideals of the 2024 uprising, and the dream of a Bangladesh for all. Covert and destructive politics can never serve a democracy.
This generation must confront covert political manoeuvres with wisdom and intelligence. ’71 defines our identity and existence. It is by recognising failures and transforming them into achievements that 2024 was shaped. In other words, this generation played the central role in 2024 to defend the spirit of ’71. The power to neutralise Shibir’s covert schemes lies within this generation, and they have already delivered timely responses.
Bangladesh’s politics is now undergoing deep intrigue and transformation. The youth, in particular, endured the ruthless reality of 16 years under authoritarianism and fascism. Yet it was they who led the overthrow of that regime. Nearly half of the electorate in the upcoming parliamentary polls are young voters—the very generation whose sacrifices liberated Bangladesh from fascism. They will shape the future of politics. Their demand for transparent, accountable and just leadership will strengthen democracy.
Political parties must commit to building an inclusive, just and prosperous Bangladesh based on the aspirations of the people. The people’s uprising of 2024 has instilled new hope, adding a new dimension to political consciousness. Most political parties now carry programmes that outline clear frameworks to fulfil people’s basic needs, rights and dreams. These include restructuring the state and politics, restoring democracy, establishing human rights, ensuring economic freedom and providing social protection.
Thus, a bridge must be forged between the dream of independence in 1971 and the pledge of transformation in 2024. This is a historic responsibility, and fulfilling this intergenerational commitment is essential to realising the hopes and aspirations of the nation.
The writer is a political analyst and Joint Editor of Kaler Kantho.
