The election train is rolling, the whistle of the vote is blowing. It is set to arrive at the station next February before Ramadan. The election-bound political parties remain hopeful that no one will be able to pull the emergency chain and halt the journey midway.
There is collective anticipation that, after the polls, the interim government will peacefully hand over power to the newly elected government—an expectation shared by political parties and citizens eager to exercise their voting rights.
On the anniversary of the fall of the fascist regime, Chief Adviser Professor Dr Muhammad Yunus made his position clear—he spoke without hesitation, albeit with caution.
He warned that some quarters still pose a threat to the democratic transition and the election process. Certain political groups have been attaching conditions to the path of elections, but these are unlikely to gain traction in the end. At best, they may cause minor disturbances. The question remains, however: to what extent can the goal of a historic, uncontested, free, and fair election be realised?
Following independence, elections from 1973 to 1988 were plagued by irregularities and manipulation. Even the 1991 election under then Chief Justice Shahabuddin’s non-partisan caretaker government was not free from concerns. Chief Election Commissioner Justice Rouf also expressed his anxieties. And yet, surprisingly, that election established a precedent for fair and participatory polls in Bangladesh. The army’s behind-the-scenes role during that period remained unspoken.
Recently, then-army chief General Nooruddin Khan shed light on the military’s covert involvement. He recounted how Justice Shahabuddin once requested him to help arrange a credible election—not through military rule, nor under military supervision, and not led by the army. General Nooruddin read between the lines and orchestrated a “magical” arrangement, combining police, Ansar, and military forces in such a way that the 1991 election became a historic benchmark.
That legacy carried some influence in 1996, 2001, and even 2008. But from 2014 onwards, elections descended into farce—peaking with the spectacles of 2018 and, most recently, 2024.
The aftermath is a changed political landscape, the fall and flight of fascist forces, and now, a historic opportunity for an interim government to oversee a real election. Chief Election Commissioner Kazi Habibul Awal has expressed his wish to leave behind a legacy of electoral integrity. But is this within his control alone? That remains the tough question.
Effective political unity is still elusive. Although the fascist regime has fallen, it hasn't entirely disappeared. Over the past 50 years, Bangladesh has seen an array of electoral “models”—from one-party, two-party, multi-party, to mock elections and referendums. Vote rigging has had many faces: blatant ballot-box theft, voter suppression, "yes-no" referenda, and various other infamous episodes—Magura, Mirpur, February 15, no-contest polls, midnight voting, and more.
What model lies ahead now? Time will tell. As early as 1973, the nation witnessed a disturbing model in the first general election—ballot box theft and sweeping victories for ruling party candidates that left a lasting scar on Bangabandhu’s democratic image. Controversy swirled around stories of election boxes being brought from Cumilla to Dhaka to ensure preferred candidates like Khondaker Mushtaque (later deemed a traitor) were declared winners.
Under President Ziaur Rahman came the infamous "yes-no" vote and divided opposition seats. General Ershad brought further innovations in electoral drama. After his fall in 1991, the caretaker government under Justice Shahabuddin provided the people their first real taste of a free vote. This model continued under Justice Habibur Rahman, Latifur Rahman, and Fakhruddin Ahmed—until things unravelled.
By 2018, allegations emerged of votes being cast the night before polling day. In 2014, a record 154 MPs were elected uncontested.
By 2024, the circus evolved into the “dummy-ami” model. Former CEC Nurul Huda had assured that daytime voting would not be hijacked by midnight manipulation, only to break that promise. His predecessor had vowed not to repeat the 2014 no-contest fiasco in 2018—and, to his credit, reduced uncontested wins, but brought in overnight voting.
For 2024, expectations were high that CEC Kazi Habibul Awal would break from these distortions. Instead, he delivered a new spectacle with dummy candidates and token opposition. Those who mutilated elections in 2014, 2018, and 2024 still linger in the civil and police administration. They retain the power to cause disruption. Still, is it unreasonable to hope for a fair election? Certainly not.
Despite their might, student and public resistance has ousted autocrats. In that fight, the Bangladesh Army emerged as an ally of the people. In those moments, they were no longer just a military institution—they became part of the citizenry. Today, they remain close to the people, refraining from assuming magistracy powers but assisting law enforcement.
The military's role in Bangladesh’s political landscape is layered and historically complex. Its glorious contribution during the Liberation War shaped national identity. However, subsequent military interventions have cast shadows over that legacy.
After the events of 5 August 2024 and under Dr Yunus's interim government, the army's role is once again under scrutiny. The new government has consistently affirmed that the military is being deployed as a democratic support force—to help ensure fair elections with neutrality and integrity.
A recent statement by Army Chief General Waker-uz-Zaman has inspired further public trust. He asserted that the army wants to see a credible new government and has no desire to seize power. “Preserving independence is our duty, but political leadership should rest with politicians,” he stated clearly. He also emphasised the urgency of transferring power to a political government through an acceptable election as soon as possible.
Dr Yunus convened his second round of talks with stakeholders on 28 July. The army confirmed that nearly 60,000 troops will be deployed for election duty as a strike force to maintain law and order.
Globally, the military’s role is evolving. In countries like the US and UK, armed forces are strictly under civilian control with no political role. In contrast, Pakistan, Turkey, and Egypt continue to witness military involvement in politics. Bangladesh’s military occupies a middle ground—often called upon during disasters and crises. Now, they stand with the people at a crucial time—on the brink of a pivotal election and amid calls for justice against those who desecrated electoral culture.
Public aspirations for a free, fair, and inclusive election are now intense. People want not only good governance, but to see the army standing beside them as a symbol of trust and security. While calls for “elections under the army” resurface time and again—especially from the opposition—it is more accurate to say that in Bangladesh, military deployment during elections is less a tradition and more a necessity.
This time, the context is different. The military made its stance clear during the climactic days of the 2024 people’s movement against fascism. That has shaped a new chapter. Their current presence with magistracy authority in the field is a vital safeguard.
From maintaining public safety and preventing unrest, to protecting communal harmony, keeping factories running, securing vital infrastructure, clearing roads, recovering illegal arms, and ensuring the safety of foreign diplomats and embassies—the military is performing its role with quiet efficiency. Those with a conscience recognise this deeply.
They are also working alongside the police to arrest drug traffickers, known criminals, and those inciting violence. The military’s role in ensuring a smooth transition after the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s regime has earned praise from the international community, including the United States and the United Nations. Now, the army’s commitment to support a free and fair election is being widely anticipated.
Whether deployed beside, near, under, or in cooperation—military involvement in ensuring a credible, question-free election is crucial and, most importantly, desired.
The writer is a journalist, columnist, and Deputy Head of News at Banglavision.
