Several former Members of Parliament (MPs) from Dhaka face serious allegations of corruption, abuse of power, and criminal activity during the recent Awami League administration, which was removed following a student-led uprising. These MPs are accused of using their elected positions to control their respective areas as de facto “godfathers,” amassing fortunes through coercion, corruption, and unlawful dealings.
Reports suggest these MPs engaged in widespread extortion and illegal trade. They allegedly enforced their authority through violence, running torture cells for those who dared to oppose them. Additionally, there are charges of illegally occupying public and private land, setting up unauthorized markets, and extorting money from slums, transport hubs, and local businesses. Concerns have also surfaced about the MPs’ ties to juvenile gangs, reportedly used to maintain control and spread fear in their territories.
Nanak, power and allegations in Dhaka-13
Dhaka-13 Constituency, covering parts of Mohammadpur, Adabar, and Sher-e-Banglanagar, was represented by Jahangir Kabir Nanak, a prominent figure in the Awami League and former State Minister for Local Government, Rural Development, and Cooperatives. Originally from Barishal, Nanak was first elected as an MP in 2008, and allegations of corruption and power abuse soon surfaced. Rumors circulated that he profited from ministry tenders, allocations, and development projects, demanding a share from various undertakings. Though not a local resident, he quickly established a powerful influence over the Mohammadpur-Adabor area, where it’s alleged that under his orders, youth leaders of the Jubo League and Chhatra League engaged in extortion and land occupation.
Locals claim Nanak’s methods for consolidating control often began with transforming vacant spaces into makeshift badminton courts, which would later evolve into “social clubs” or party offices, securing the land for his operations. Following the 2014 election, which saw Nanak secure his MP seat unopposed, his influence reportedly intensified. He built a cadre network, placing loyalists in ward council positions, while accusations arose that he allowed the Mohammadpur Bihari camp to turn into a hub for drug trafficking.
Nanak's alleged enforcer, Tarequzzaman Rajib, a Jubo League leader and Ward 33 councilor, gained notoriety as the enactor of Nanak’s will, expanding control over casinos, betting operations, extortion rackets, land grabs, and other criminal enterprises in the area. With Nanak’s influence backing him, locals were reportedly too afraid to challenge Rajib’s power.
A significant incident involving Nanak's loyalists occurred on August 4, 2018, when the then U.S. Ambassador Marcia Bernicat was reportedly attacked in Mohammadpur after attending a dinner. The attackers were allegedly Nanak’s followers from the Chhatra League and Jubo League.
Despite being denied the party’s nomination in the 2018 elections, Nanak’s political sway remained strong as the Awami League’s joint general secretary. His financial influence has been a subject of scrutiny, with his 2024 affidavit showing an asset value of nearly 18.87 crore Taka alongside a steep increase in income since 2008, when his assets were valued at around 63 lakh Taka. Nanak and his wife have also been questioned for allegedly omitting property details, including undeclared land and assets in Dhaka, Barishal, and Cox’s Bazar.
Nanak’s time in power, spanning multiple terms of Awami League governance, has thus been marred by accusations of concealed wealth, local control through loyalists, and the establishment of extensive personal assets, casting a long shadow over his political legacy.
Kamal, reserved on the outside, powerful in influence
Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal, known for his reserved public demeanor, has long wielded considerable influence in his constituency. Initially elected to represent Dhaka-11 (covering Tejgaon, Tejgaon Industrial Area, parts of Sher-e-Banglanagar, and Hatirjheel) in the Ninth National Parliament, Kamal was re-elected to the 10th, 11th, and 12th parliaments from Dhaka-12 following constituency restructuring. His time as an MP, however, has been shadowed by allegations of corruption, extortion, and organized crime.
Kamal reportedly developed a network for collecting bribes and extortion from various businesses in Tejgaon’s industrial hub. Through appointed agents, he allegedly extorted up to 30 crore Taka monthly from the Tejgaon truck stand alone. Under Kamal’s oversight, a drug trafficking network was established, with control resting in his hands along with local commissioners and allied labor leaders. Key associates included Maqbul Hossain (Transport Association President), Monir Talukder (Truck Drivers Union President), and Abdul Kashem (General Secretary), et all, who were involved in organized extortion from local shops, transportation businesses, and drug distribution.
At the Kawran Bazar, where thousands of wholesalers conduct daily business, a mandatory “contribution” was allegedly enforced on every aspect of trade, from purchasing goods to transporting them. Those who resisted payment faced threats, enforced by Kamal’s loyalists and local administration, leading to a climate of fear among business owners.
As Minister, Kamal is accused of profiting through a recruitment and transfer syndicate, allegedly charging bribes for positions and promotions. The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) has since filed cases against Kamal and his family members, citing unexplained wealth totaling thousands of crores of Taka amassed during his tenure.
Menon’s transformation, from idealist to alleged beneficiary of corruption
Rashed Khan Menon, once known as a dedicated leftist and outspoken critic of Pakistan, has undergone a dramatic shift in his political image. Menon, son of Justice Abdul Jabbar Khan, gained prominence as a student union leader in the 1960s, defying his father’s legacy to raise his voice for Bangladesh’s independence. First elected to parliament from Barishal-2 in 1979, he continued his journey as a parliamentarian and ideological figure through the 1990s.
In 2008, however, Menon left behind his traditional "hammer" symbol to join the Awami League-led Grand Alliance, securing a parliamentary seat from Dhaka-8 (covering Motijheel, Shahbagh, Ramna, and Paltan). His allegiance with the Awami League granted him ministerial positions and substantial influence over prominent educational institutions, including Viqarunnisa Noon School and College, Ideal School and College, and Wills Little Flower School.
During his tenure as president of these institutions, Menon allegedly engaged in extensive corruption, with accusations of taking bribes in exchange for illegally appointing 128 individuals to various positions and demanding payment from staff for promotions. Reports suggest that his dealings at Wills School alone brought him nearly 80 crore Taka, while similar activities at Viqarunnisa and Ideal schools also yielded large sums.
As Minister of Civil Aviation and Tourism and later of Social Welfare, Menon is alleged to have furthered his wealth through development projects in these ministries, profiting from commissions on contracts and undisclosed assets worth billions. His name surfaced in connection with illegal gambling in Dhaka’s Motijheel area, where casinos operated openly. Menon, reportedly the president of one of the clubs involved, allegedly received significant earnings from these operations, a topic of controversy during the anti-casino campaign in 2019.
Once celebrated as a symbol of resistance and integrity, Menon’s legacy is now marred by accusations of corruption, with many pointing to his involvement in educational and gambling scandals as indicative of a shift in his political and ethical compass.
Haji Salim, the master of land grabs
Haji Mohammad Salim, a controversial politician and businessman, has long been at the center of accusations regarding illegal land grabs and property occupation. Currently incarcerated, Salim was one of the few Awami League MPs from Dhaka accused of engaging in widespread land and property trade.
Salim’s rise in politics began in the 1990s when he allied with BNP leader Mir Shawkat. In 1994, he was elected as a ward councilor of Dhaka City Corporation, and by 1996, he sought the BNP nomination for the National Assembly elections. After failing to secure the nomination, Salim switched sides and joined the Awami League, which nominated him for the parliamentary seat covering Lalbagh, Hazaribagh, and Kamrangirchar. He won the seat by a significant margin, but his political success was soon overshadowed by accusations of land grabbing and corruption.
Locals in Old Dhaka recall how Haji Salim became notorious for his land occupation tactics. He allegedly introduced a "Panchayat system" in his controlled areas, where he would buy land documents for a fraction of their worth, only to evict property owners after lengthy legal battles. His ruthless methods earned him the nickname “Tala Haji” (Lock Haji), due to his practice of locking up homes or shops during forced evictions.
Salim’s land grabs were not limited to residential properties. He is accused of seizing prime locations, such as the WASA’s water pump site at Chandni Ghat on the Buriganga River, where he built a petrol pump. He also took control of land along the riverbank from Chand Sardar, using it to establish a cold storage facility. In Nawab Bari, he occupied a hostel belonging to Jagannath Jagannath University and constructed the massive "Gulshan Ara Plaza." Salim further extended his empire by seizing property from an elderly woman in Armanitola to build the "MTC Tower" and took over land owned by the Bhawal Raja in Nalgonda to construct another large building.
Known for his ruthless tactics and extensive network, Haji Salim’s political career has been marred by allegations of corruption, land theft, and intimidation, cementing his reputation as one of Dhaka’s most notorious land grabbers.
Elias Mollah, the tyrant of Mirpur-Pallabi
Elias Uddin Mollah, a longstanding Awami League MP for Dhaka-16 since 2008, built a notorious reputation for his role in the illegal land trade, particularly in Mirpur-Pallabi. Known for his ruthless tactics and tight control over his constituency, Mollah was infamous for eyeing both government and privately owned land, even targeting land near Hindu community temples and housing projects for journalists. His methods were brazen: creating fake documents, deploying armed cadres for evictions, and occupying plots at will.
Locals in Mirpur-Pallabi regarded Mollah as an unchallenged authority, with his word acting as the law. For over 16 years, no one dared to oppose him. He maintained a force of 100 armed cadres who were responsible for occupying land, roadways, sidewalks, bus stands, and even businesses. This cadre was organized into local units that controlled the numerous slums scattered across the area. These slums, with populations ranging from 500 to over 1,000 households, each paid significant rent for their homes, often with additional fees for illegal utilities like electricity and gas. A majority of this income was funneled into Mollah’s pockets.
Mollah’s biggest land grab occurred in the Turag area, where he allegedly seized 700 acres of government land in Dhaur and Nalvo Mouzas. There, he built shops, slums, and temporary houses, collecting rent from his tenants while forcing them to pay under threat of eviction. One of his major income sources was Duaripara, where a longstanding dispute between the Waqf Estate and the Housing Department over 473 plots allowed Mollah to gradually seize control of the land from 1996 onwards. These transactions were carried out without legal documentation, with Mollah intimidating locals into paying large sums under the fear of eviction.
Mollah’s power extended to dictating local disputes through his so-called "arbitration meetings," held in his living room. There, he served as both judge and enforcer, delivering decisions that favored those who paid bribes, while punishing dissenters with threats of legal action or physical violence. The money collected through illegal rent and utility fees, as well as bribes for arbitration decisions, went directly into Mollah’s pockets, bypassing any government oversight.
Known for his tyrannical rule over the area, Ilyas Uddin Mollah’s reign was marked by corruption, intimidation, and an unrelenting grip on both land and people in his constituency.
Habib Hasan, the godfather of occupation and extortion
Mohammad Habib Hasan, who became an MP for Dhaka-18 Constituency following the death of Advocate Sahara Khatun in 2020, quickly established himself as a powerful figure in the world of illegal land grabs and extortion. As Joint General Secretary of the Dhaka Metropolitan North Awami League, Hasan turned his parliamentary position into a platform for misconduct, taking control of markets, government properties, and engaging in widespread extortion. His criminal activities allegedly extended to facilitating gold smuggling at the airport and even links to forest mafias.
Habib Hasan's wealth is said to have been significantly fortified by his illicit dealings. He allegedly used the proceeds from extortion to purchase a luxurious home in Begum Para, Canada, worth around 15 crore Taka, in the name of his son, Abir Hasan Tani, and daughter-in-law, Sharmila Sijana. This property, located in Scarborough (a suburb of Toronto), is believed to have been bought with funds derived from illegal activities, including smuggling.
On the ground, Hasan’s influence stretched across a variety of sectors. He is accused of seizing 110 bighas of land in Baunia Mouza, near the International Airport, to develop Habib City, forcibly expanding the project by encroaching on others' land. His extortion network also reached into the transport sector, where he allegedly collected illegal fees from Laguna and autorickshaw drivers. In addition, he is accused of profiting from dish-internet antenna revenue, soliciting donations under the guise of charity, and controlling the welfare associations and committees in Uttara Sector, all without following proper election procedures.
Habib Hasan’s influence didn’t stop there. He reportedly exploited the hotel and restaurant sectors, extorted money from furniture markets, and engaged in various illegal practices within educational institutions, including those linked to the oppressed political party Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami people. He also allegedly withheld payments for decorator services at political events, further cementing his reputation as a figure who thrived on illegal gains and exploitation.
With a portfolio of criminal activities spanning multiple sectors, Habib Hasan was widely considered one of the most notorious figures in the occupation and extortion racket. His three years in parliament allowed him to solidify his grip on power, making him a feared and influential player in Dhaka’s illegal business world.
Sadek Khan, the landlord of Dhaka-13
Md Sadek Khan, former Awami League MP and vice-president of the Dhaka Metropolitan North Awami League, was a dominant figure in the Dhaka-13 constituency, which includes Mohammadpur, Lalmatia, Adabar, Bachila, Dhaka Udyan, Buddhijibi, Jafrabad, Pulpar, Gadigarh, and Rayerbazar. For years, Khan ruled the area with an iron fist, controlling vast swaths of land and properties. His word was law, and anyone who opposed him faced the wrath of his violent cadre of supporters. Under his reign of terror, Khan accumulated considerable wealth, including houses, flats, cars, filling stations, and warehouses for raw materials.
In the 2018 elections, Sadek Khan was nominated by the Awami League and successfully became an MP. His influence in the constituency was so vast that he managed to turn public spaces and private properties into personal assets. Khan illegally occupied government canal lands, properties belonging to the Hindu community, and public spaces, transforming them into his own commercial ventures. He established markets such as Sadek Khan Agricultural Market, Sadek Khan Poultry Market, Sadek Khan Dry Market, and Sadek Khan Brick Market. He also opened Sadek Filling Station and developed Sadek Nagar Model Town, all built on illegally seized land.
Sadek’s personal branding extended beyond businesses—he even named entire neighborhoods and roads after himself and his family, solidifying his presence in every corner of the constituency. His empire of extortion, land grabs, and political control has left an indelible mark on Dhaka-13, where Sadek Khan’s name became synonymous with illegal occupation and unchecked power.
Saber league; the empire of extortion and crime
Saber Hossain Chowdhury, first elected as a Member of Parliament in 1996 from Dhaka-6, went on to serve four consecutive terms from Dhaka-9 (Khilgaon-Mugda-Sabujbagh) after the redistribution of seats in 2008. During his tenure as the Minister of Forests, Environment, and Climate Affairs, Chowdhury established a powerful faction known as the Saber League, marking a significant shift in local politics.
Upon his election in 2008, Saber Hossain Chowdhury distanced himself from the older, more established leaders of the Awami League in the area, choosing instead to form a new group of loyalists. This faction, the Saber League, was heavily involved in illegal activities, including extortion, land grabbing, encroachment on government property, and control of drug trade and tendering. They would demand payment for any construction project in the area, and businesses were required to buy goods from or pay off the Saber League members in order to operate.
The Saber League became synonymous with coercion and corruption, extending its reach from pavement shops to bus stands and food courts, where regular “subscriptions” were collected. Key figures in the Saber League included Mosharraf Hossain Bahar, General Secretary of the Awami League’s Mugda Police Station; Lion Chittaranjan Das, General Secretary of the Basabo Police Station; Wahid Uddin Milton, former Councilor of Ward No. 1 in Dhaka South City; and Mamunur Rashid Shubhra, Councilor of Ward No. 12, along with other party leaders and personal assistants of Chowdhury.
Investigations revealed that Dhaka-9 had become a hotspot for drug activity, with the Saber League controlling much of the drug trade. Areas such as Dakshingaon in Sabujbagh, Jaula Para Bazar, Wahab Colony, Minaragli, and Mugda’s Madina Bagh water pump area were key drug distribution points, with large quantities of yaba and other drugs being sold daily. A significant portion of the profits from this illicit business flowed into the pockets of Saber League members, cementing their control over the area and their role in the region’s criminal network.
Under Saber Hossain Chowdhury's rule, the Saber League transformed Dhaka-9 into an empire built on crime, corruption, and fear.
Kamal Majumdar, the tyrant of Dhaka-15
Kamal Ahmed Majumdar, a five-time Member of Parliament from Dhaka-15, which includes Kafrul, Mirpur, Kazipara, Shewrapara, Senpara Parbata, Barabagh, Pirerbag, and Manipur, has built a reputation for ruthless exploitation and corruption. As Vice President of the Dhaka Metropolitan North Awami League and State Minister of Industry from 2018 to 2023, Majumdar’s tenure was marked by a pattern of power abuse, extortion, and harassment, which he treated as an addiction. His influence in the constituency, both feared and loathed, led to countless individuals being ruined by his greed and arrogance.
Majumdar's ruthless tactics extended beyond ordinary citizens. Even brave freedom fighters were not spared. In 2009, the Muktijoddha Samiti purchased land in Rupnagar, Mirpur to build a memorial. However, when construction began in 2019, Kamal Majumdar’s brother, Anwar Majumdar, created a fake committee and excluded 28 legitimate freedom fighters, giving the flats intended for veterans to his own relatives and allies. The real freedom fighters were left destitute, struggling to seek justice.
Under Majumdar's rule, his grip on the area tightened through a reign of terror. He employed his cadre to control every aspect of life in Dhaka-15. From extorting money for tendering contracts to collecting payments from sidewalk vendors, bus stands, and juvenile gangs, no one dared oppose him. Those who did were subjected to extreme violence and intimidation. Protestors were publicly humiliated and turned into targets of terror, often through the media channel he controlled.
Majumdar's criminal empire expanded through the illegal occupation of land. In Savar, near Dhaka, he seized vast swaths of land in the Ahalia Bazar area, building an agricultural project in the 1980s. When the Awami League came to power in 1996, he began systematically occupying more land around this area, consolidating his influence and wealth. His unchecked exploitation continued until the fall of the Awami League government in 2024, when the rightful owners of the land began to reclaim their property.
Majumdar's empire of fear and greed, built on the backs of the oppressed, is now in decline. Following the political upheaval in 2024, local residents, emboldened by the shift in power, began reclaiming what was once taken from them. The collapse of Kamal Majumdar's dominance is a reminder of the corrupt and brutal legacy he leaves behind. Currently imprisoned on multiple charges, including murder, his reign of terror seems to be finally unraveling.
These allegations paint a picture of mafia-like dominance, with MPs accused of operating with little oversight, profiting at the expense of local residents, and disregarding the rule of law.
Bd-pratidin English/ Jisan
