It reads like a chilling tale of a president trapped in his own palace. But that tense period of one and a half years is now over. In this relief, President Mohammed Shahabuddin has recounted the dramatic events in an exclusive interview at his office in Bangabhaban on Friday night, revealing many important details.
Given the length of his remarks, the interview has been divided into two parts. The first part, published yesterday, created a stir both domestically and internationally. Today, the second and final part is published. The interview was conducted by Kaler Kantho Executive Editor Haider Ali and Special Correspondent Zainal Abedin.
Zainal Abedin: How was the atmosphere in Bangabhaban on 5 August 2024, the day the Awami League government fell?
President Mohammed Shahabuddin: Naturally, the movement escalated into a mass uprising. When demonstrators moved towards the Ganabhaban, I was informed that the Prime Minister could arrive at Bangabhaban at any moment. Around noon, I was told she was preparing to come. Before that, we had no idea what was about to unfold. But when I heard she was coming and that the helicopter was ready, we could begin to grasp the seriousness of the situation.
All security personnel assumed their positions. Around 12:30pm, we were informed that she would not be coming. Once we realised she was not arriving, we remained alert. Shortly afterwards, we learned she had left the country. Within 30 to 40 minutes, the overall sequence of events had changed rapidly.
Haider Ali: Were you in contact with the armed forces at that time?
President: Around 3pm that day, Army Chief General Wakar-uz-Zaman called me to brief on the events. I was also informed by other wings of the armed forces. Later, I was told that General Wakar would give a briefing to the press. We watched it on television. He announced that the Prime Minister had left the country, reassuring the nation that she was already abroad.
Later, the Army Chief called again to say that the heads of the Army, Navy, and Air Force would visit Bangabhaban. They came and discussed the overall situation with me.
At that point, we were almost at a loss. We deliberated for two to three hours on what could be done. It was decided to summon leaders of all political parties, with a team from the Army tasked with this. The Army gathered available political leaders, including some from anti-discrimination student movements, and returned them to Bangabhaban for a meeting.
In that meeting, we focused entirely on the country’s peace and stability. We discussed at length how decisions could restore public confidence. I chaired the meeting, with the Army Chief facilitating. He explained the entire situation, and several proposals were collectively put forward. Three main proposals emerged: a caretaker government, a national/all-party government, or an interim government. After careful consideration, experienced politicians decided that forming an interim government was the best course. My role was then to address the nation to reassure them. The process of forming the government was left to the political leaders. Professor Asif Nazrul later briefed journalists on the developments, and I delivered my speech around 11pm. The Army and political leaders would work together on forming the interim government.
Haider Ali: At that time, there were widespread rumours that a state of emergency might be declared and military rule imposed. Did such discussions take place, publicly or privately?
President: Absolutely not. I can say firmly that the armed forces played a memorable role—they acted at the right time. They could have imposed martial law or declared a state of emergency, and there was pressure on me to do so, as only the President can declare an emergency. Many tried to influence me to declare it. There was even an attempt to provoke a counter-rebellion.
Zainal Abedin: At what point was a counter-rebellion being planned, and who tried to influence the emergency?
President: You can understand. In such situations, opportunistic groups—both domestic and foreign—are active. Various influences were attempted, including unconstitutional measures to create chaos. I was repeatedly urged to declare an emergency. But the Army Chief, the Navy Chief, and the Air Force Chief were completely opposed to martial law, to forming a national government, and to declaring an emergency. They advocated continuing the process until elections. I was able to firmly resist these pressures.
The objective of the armed forces was to ensure an election. The Army Chief repeatedly said he wanted to see elections within 18 months. I can state unequivocally that he had no lust for power. He said, ‘Looking at our Army’s history, there are good and bad examples. Even during 1/11 [the 2007-09 emergency rule], many did not accept it.’ The Army had remained in power for a long time under emergency then, generating public resentment. That is why they did not tread that path.
At that time, I was the target for issuing an emergency. Intense pressure was placed on me. But by Allah’s mercy and my resolve, the country was saved.
Haider Ali: The formation of the interim government was not provided for in the Constitution, creating a constitutional crisis. How did you handle that?
President: When the process began, it was noted that this was not in the Constitution. According to Articles 7 and 7-Ka, amending or altering the Constitution is a punishable offence, potentially even treason. I knew that. But forming the government was necessary. On 8 August 2024, I consulted with the Chief Justice. We discussed how to form a government within the framework of the Constitution. According to Article 106, I sought the Appellate Division’s opinion, asking for advice and support.
This legal backing protected me from complications regarding Articles 7 and 7-Ka. The court provided its opinion virtually, as the Supreme Court was under siege. Earlier, on 6 August, I had appointed Advocate Asaduzzaman as Attorney General in my capacity as President, as there was no government. The Attorney General represented me at the full bench hearing. Their advice confirmed that, in such circumstances, the President can form an interim government with one or more advisers. This became my safeguard, and I faced no further obstacles.
Kaler Kantho: Did the judges come here in person?
President: No, the communication was by phone. At that time, the Supreme Court was under siege. My then Law Secretary delivered my letter to the court. Two judges were in the courtroom, while the rest were at home, and they were connected virtually.
Earlier, on 6 August, in my capacity as President, I had duly appointed Advocate Asaduzzaman as Attorney General. Since there was no government in the country at the time, the law stipulates that the President makes such appointments. Therefore, I did not have to seek anyone’s approval.
At the hearing on 8 August, the Attorney General represented me, on behalf of the President. The full bench conducted the hearing that day and subsequently provided their opinion that, in such circumstances, the President can form an interim government. It was confirmed that an interim government could be formed with one or more advisers, and that the President would be responsible for constituting it. Their opinion acted as a safeguard for me, leaving no obstacles in my path. Based on this legal advice, I consulted with political leaders and formed the interim government, with the full support of our armed forces.
Kaler Kantho: Who was considered for Chief Adviser?
President: Student leaders wanted Dr Muhammad Yunus as Chief Adviser. He was in France undergoing surgery, causing delays. Alternatives were considered, but students insisted on Dr Yunus, and we respected their choice. Political leaders supported the students.
Kaler Kantho: Were any alternative names for the position of Chief Adviser discussed due to the delay in forming the government?
President: There was a lot of discussion. Since communication with Dr Muhammad Yunus was difficult at the time, several names were being considered for the Chief Adviser post. One of them was Salehuddin Ahmed, who was later appointed as Finance Adviser. However, the student leaders were steadfast about Dr Yunus and were willing to wait patiently for him.
Once Dr Yunus returned, the formal process began. The armed forces met him at the airport lounge for urgent discussions. The list of interim government advisers was finalised, and the swearing-in ceremony was organised.
Kaler Kantho: Were any names omitted from your initial list?
President: Yes. Some names were dropped, while he added others—NGO representatives, and those responsible for veterans’ affairs, health, and religion.
Kaler Kantho: At one point, mob violence disrupted daily life. How did you view that situation?
President: It was extremely distressing. At the time, any attempt to suppress it could have backfired. Much had to be tolerated to maintain peace.
Kaler Kantho: Some claim the interim government took no decisive steps against mob violence. Did you see any encouragement for this?
President: I don’t know if there was encouragement, but I observed their silence.
Kaler Kantho: Did you discuss this with anyone?
President: I saw that speaking out would not help. I was helpless and chose silence to avoid a boomerang effect.
Kaler Kantho: After 5 August, there was discussion of changing the national anthem. As a freedom fighter, how do you assess that?
President: Very regrettable. The ISI flag was raised at the freedom fighters’ memorial at Suhrawardy Udyan—a deeply disturbing signal.
Kaler Kantho: The current government has taken a firm stance against mob violence.
President: Mob culture had deeply taken root. The government’s early actions to curb it are commendable. Minister of Home Affairs Salahuddin’s stance against mob violence is particularly positive. Stability requires ending mob rule decisively.
Kaler Kantho: Your assessment of the recently concluded 13th national elections?
President: The elections were good. People wanted a peaceful election, and their participation was spontaneous—a sign of relief.
Zainal Abedin: Your impression of the newly elected Prime Minister, Tarique Rahman?
President: I have seen him briefly. He possesses statesmanlike qualities. As a freedom fighter himself, I believe he will serve the country well. His father was President, his mother three-time Prime Minister. I trust we will avoid new crises.
Kaler Kantho: How do you feel about the new government under Tarique Rahman?
President: I feel completely free and relaxed (smiles). The past 18 months were suffocating. My only thought was maintaining constitutional continuity and securing Bangabhaban. That pressure is gone.
Kaler Kantho: There has been speculation about your replacement as President. You reportedly told a foreign outlet you would not stay after elections. Can you clarify?
President: This statement is being interpreted differently. What I actually said needs to be understood in that context. Over the past 18 months, that government put me under immense psychological pressure and humiliated me on several occasions, which caused a sense of frustration to build up in me. At that time, I said that one cannot continue as President under such circumstances and that I felt like stepping down. This is what I told Reuters.
However, later it was presented as if my term had no validity. I was then asked what my position would be if a new election were held and a new government came to power. I replied that I am constitutionally elected for a five-year term, which runs until 2028—so I still have two years left. But I also said that if a duly elected government comes and wishes that I step aside, I am prepared to do so voluntarily. “I love to go”—meaning, if they desire it, I would step down on my own accord.
Haider Ali: Would you maintain that position if the BNP wants a different President or impeachment occurs?
President: I will not allow that to happen. I am aware; if they wish me to stay, I will. If they prefer I leave, I will step down respectfully.
Haider Ali: Would you like to say anything further on your own behalf?
President: How much more can I say? It felt as though I was being held under house arrest in this palace. Traditionally, since the country’s independence, the President has attended the national Eid prayers at the National Eidgah for both Eid-ul-Fitr and Eid-ul-Azha. However, Dr Yunus’s government obstructed that tradition. I was not allowed to attend the Eid prayers at the National Eidgah on two occasions. Through the security services, I was explicitly informed that I would not participate in the Eid prayers at the National Eidgah.
Furthermore, the main state ceremonies for Victory Day and Independence Day are usually held at Bangabhaban. In accordance with long-standing custom, we have always hosted these events at the palace with full ceremonial arrangements. We formally invited the Chief Adviser to attend, but he did not come. Previous heads of government had attended almost every such ceremony. While there is no constitutional obligation to attend, it is a matter of courtesy.
Let me give another example: I underwent a bypass surgery at Singapore National University Hospital. A year after the surgery, I had a follow-up appointment there. I wrote to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs requesting permission to travel to Singapore for the treatment, but I was explicitly prohibited from going. I was told that even if doctors could be arranged from abroad, I would not be allowed to travel.
Similarly, I had an appointment at Cambridge Parkway Hospital in London, but the interim government did not permit me to go there either.
Over the past two years, the Chief Adviser has travelled abroad 14 times, yet I was not allowed to travel for medical reasons. Their main objective was to break me psychologically. They wanted me to break down and resign voluntarily so that they could appoint someone of their choosing unconstitutionally. By doing so, they could have delayed elections or extended their hold on power. With a compliant President, anything can be done at will—that was the mindset behind the psychological pressure they exerted on me.
Kaler Kantho: You are the Head of State. The Chief Adviser of an interim government or his colleagues violated the Constitution and undermined the President. Do you have any comment on the legal aspects of these events? Constitutionally, could you not have taken action?
President: It was an extraordinary government in an abnormal situation. Legal action was applicable in some cases, but not in others. Due to these legal complexities, I felt it was safer and more prudent to avoid taking action. I chose to step back and endure in silence, thinking it best to maintain as much stability as possible.
Kaler Kantho: After retirement from the post of President, what will you focus on?
President: I am a legal professional and have spent 40 years in law. I intend to serve as a legal adviser, health permitting.
Kaler Kantho: Thank you, and best wishes.
President: Thank you. I wish all the best for the nation.
