The most serious flaw of the Awami League leadership is its belief that Bangladesh is solely its own creation — that the country is “theirs and theirs alone.” After World War II, numerous nations emerged across the globe as independent, sovereign states under various leaders. But the Awami League, either out of sheer historical ignorance or deliberate denial of historical truths, insists — along with its privileged intellectual beneficiaries — that Bangladesh could never have gained independence without the now-deceased "Father of the Nation" Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and that without his “worthy daughter” Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh would still remain a dream confined to Rabindranath Tagore’s poetic vision of “Sonar Bangla.”
But who can convince the Awami League that if the pivotal year 1947 had never arrived in the history of the subcontinent, Bangladesh would still be a part of undivided India? Do they not realize how, just a year later, India annexed Hyderabad (a princely state in South India larger than Bangladesh)? Or how Pondicherry was absorbed in 1954, Goa in 1961, and Sikkim in 1975? Or why, despite 78 years of struggle — politically and through armed resistance — the people of Kashmir still have not achieved independence? Such facts fail to register in the Awami League’s collective mind.
India’s eagerness to assist Bangladesh during the 1971 Liberation War is well documented. But had India extended the same hospitality, training, and arms to freedom-seekers in Kashmir and the insurgent regions of northeast India, no one would have questioned its sincerity in aiding Bangladesh.
The only conceivable acceptance of Awami League’s claim to the sole credit for Bangladesh’s liberation, or the myth that only Sheikh Mujib and Sheikh Hasina could build a prosperous, democratic “Sonar Bangla,” would be if they hadn’t used their power to establish fascism.
Both Sheikh Mujib and Sheikh Hasina, once in power, systematically dismantled the fundamental rights of the people — freedom of speech, media, assembly, movement, and privacy. They turned elections into mere instruments of engineered victory. Unsurprisingly, both paid political prices for these actions, and the lack of democracy and rule of law even 54 years after independence is largely due to their legacy.
Never in Bangladesh's political history has the Awami League accepted any mistake. Even after using the full force of law enforcement and military against a historic student-led movement just a year ago — which culminated in a bloody crackdown and their eventual retreat — Sheikh Hasina shamelessly continues to ask, “What was my fault?” Her party sycophants echo the same line: “What did we do?”
Had they truly believed in democracy, they would have commissioned impartial analyses of their failures. They would have apologized to the nation. If rogue elements within their administration incited law enforcement to kill protesters, those responsible would be identified and brought to justice. But Sheikh Hasina’s government did none of this. The Awami League believes that no matter the crime, if committed by one of their own, it’s not a crime.
Now, from the safety of India, Sheikh Hasina continues to deliver incendiary speeches, instructing her party members to incite violence and destabilize the country. The latest example is the bloody attack on the National Citizen Party (NCP) rally in Gopalganj, reportedly carried out under her direction. The situation became so dire that even the army had to be deployed to regain control. Four people were killed and many injured — none of whom were relatives of Sheikh Hasina or notable Awami League members. Just ordinary people.
During the 1971 war, not a single member of her family was martyred — despite 7.5 crore Bangladeshis suffering, including one crore taking refuge in India. Even today, among 17 crore citizens, no one from her extended family has suffered similar fates. The tragic killing of her family members on the night of August 15, 1975, had no connection to public protest or opposition. At the time, the country had no functioning political system or freedom of speech. Sheikh Mujib’s one-party rule stifled all dissent — and that came at a steep cost.
Sheikh Hasina could have learned from her father’s mistakes. The Awami League could have reformed. Instead, they’ve pledged vengeance for Mujib’s blood. They've deified him as a flawless superhuman and turned Sheikh Hasina into a quasi-divine figure too.
They now paint the recent Gopalganj incident as their turning point — comparing it to the Battle of Leningrad during WWII, where Hitler’s forces were repelled. To them, Gopalganj is sacred ground, the home and burial place of Sheikh Mujib, where no other party has ever managed to gain a foothold since 1970. That may be true — and unproblematic in itself. In democracies around the world, strongholds exist — “blue” and “red” states in the US, for example.
But using Gopalganj as a launchpad for nationwide violence, incited by a political leader in exile, is both immature and criminal under Bangladeshi law.
Can even the weakest government allow a small region to act as a base for exporting terrorism to the rest of the country? Following Hasina’s incitement, the banned student wing Chhatra League and Awami League members unleashed chaos at the NCP rally. Gopalganj has since become eerily empty — mourning families grieve their losses. Hasina brushed off last year's killings with, “What was my fault?” and is unlikely to accept any blame now either.
She previously claimed that the bullets that killed July’s martyrs weren't even used by the police. So far, she has said nothing about the bullets that pierced the victims in Gopalganj. One can only hope she will eventually offer a "suitable" explanation. But from the Awami League’s perspective, nothing unjust has ever happened under her 15-year reign.
Sheikh Hasina has ruled Awami League single-handedly for 44 years, and the country for more than 20 years and 7 months. During this period, she ingrained a mindset across the party — that any election must end in an Awami League victory by any means necessary. Parliament should be either completely void of opposition or include only a token, loyal opposition. The party must rule endlessly.
As long as the Awami League exists in this form, the country and its people will not be free of its curse.
The solution is not to ban the party — the interim government must avoid such drastic actions. Rather, Awami League must be politically defeated.
The BNP could have done this — but they too are disorganized. Caught up in infighting over extortion and turf wars, they have disappointed the nation. The people have learned their lesson over the past 54 years. They no longer want to jump from the frying pan into the fire.
Writer: Senior Journalist Residing in the United States
Bd-pratidin English/ ANI
