The journey of Bengali nationalism began during British colonial rule and under its influence. Ideally, this nationalism should have been entirely anti-British in character—and initially, it was. But over time, communalism crept into its fabric. This communalism stemmed from the Hindu-Muslim divide—a conflict that was exacerbated by British rulers. In order to consolidate their dominion and exploitation, the British sought to divide nationalists, and the easiest way to do so was by emphasizing religious differences.
The British rule faced a major blow in 1857 with the Sepoy Mutiny, a fundamentally non-communal uprising. Fearing a larger rebellion that could result in a catastrophe similar to the French Revolution, the British began strategizing to widen the Hindu-Muslim rift. They took several calculated steps to this end.
Historiographical Divide: While writing Indian history, they categorized it into a "Hindu period" and a "Muslim period." Census Classification: In population censuses, Hindus and Muslims were listed separately. In Bengal, where Muslims were slightly more numerous, Hindu leaders grew concerned about potential Muslim dominance. Encouragement of Political Organization: The British supported the emerging middle class in forming the Indian National Congress, a political body naturally led by the relatively advanced Hindu community.
In 1905, the British partitioned Bengal and created a new province combining East Bengal and Assam, with the goal of weakening the Hindu middle class, which had begun expressing anti-British sentiments—largely fueled by the expansion of education and increasing numbers of unemployed educated youth.
This partition provoked a strong nationalist reaction among the Hindu middle class, leading to a surge in Bengali nationalism. The movement gained momentum, with abundant writings, speeches, and patriotic songs—one of which later became the national anthem of Bangladesh. However, even this wave of nationalism did not remain free from communal overtones. Led by Hindus, the movement adopted the slogan "Vande Mataram," which was unacceptable to many Muslims. More than just a slogan, it was a call to arms—a war cry. While it stirred the British somewhat, it alarmed Bengali Muslims even more, as it signaled potential Hindu dominance.
In the newly formed province of East Bengal and Assam, Muslims were the majority and hoped for some benefits, especially with the capital located in Dhaka. When the partition was annulled in 1911, Muslims were disappointed. Ironically, in the same year the partition was enacted (1905), the All-India Muslim League was founded—in Dhaka, no less. This had British support, not only ideologically but also practically. When limited suffrage was introduced, the British instituted separate electorates for Hindus and Muslims, further entrenching communal divisions in the political structure.
It was natural that the anti-partition movement would be led by Hindus, since they were more advanced than Muslims at the time, and because the partition directly harmed their economic and cultural interests. But this Hindu-led movement and the use of “Vande Mataram” did not build trust in Bengali nationalism among Muslims—instead, it sowed doubts.
At the start of British rule, Muslims were significantly behind. But gradually, a Muslim middle class emerged. This class realized they could not effectively compete with the well-established Hindu community, either professionally or commercially. Another problem was the deeply entrenched Brahminical mindset among Hindu elites, who habitually looked down on Muslims. While they also disdained lower-caste Hindus, Muslims interpreted this contempt as a form of communal hostility.
Lower-caste Hindus were forced to accept the dominance of the upper-caste elites as karmic punishment for sins in previous lives. But for the aspiring Muslim middle class, Brahminical arrogance became unbearable. Many Muslims felt that they were not numerically insignificant, and bore the pride that, before British colonization, it was they who ruled Bengal. Tensions grew between the established Hindu middle class and the rising Muslim middle class, leading to riots. The Muslim League's opposition to the Congress steadily strengthened. Eventually came the demand for a separate homeland for Muslims, culminating in the tragic Partition of 1947.
The Partition, under the guise of independence, handed over power to the Congress and the Muslim League. It caused the deaths of countless people and rendered millions refugees.
The Partition of 1947 pushed Bengali nationalism into the background and brought religious communalism to the forefront. The same Bengali Hindu middle class that had once vowed to sacrifice their lives for a united motherland under the slogan of "Vande Mataram" in 1905, became desperate for Partition by 1946–47. Why? Because of the fear of Muslim dominance in a united Bengal. The existence of separate electorates, the Communal Award of 1932, and the Muslim League forming the Bengal ministry after the 1937 elections made upper-caste Hindus fear that Muslims would become the key power brokers in a united Bengal. Although the Muslim League did not oppose Partition, the enthusiasm largely came from the Congress’s upper-caste Hindu supporters.
There is no doubt that most Bengalis were harmed by Partition—especially those from East Bengal. The annulment of the 1905 partition in 1911 and the shift of the Indian capital from Calcutta to Delhi marginalized Bengal. When East Bengal was separated again, concerns arose about whether it could sustain itself as an independent entity. The region had very few industries and was dependent on agriculture. Its primary agricultural product was jute, but all the jute mills were in and around Calcutta. Calcutta, with its port and status as a commercial center, also provided job opportunities that drew East Bengalis in droves.
Thus, Partition left Bengali Muslims economically disadvantaged. But a more profound question arose—what would be the ethnic identity of Bengali Muslims now that they had become part of Pakistan? A primary concern was the state language. Though 56% of Pakistan's population was Bengali, they did not hold state power. The new Pakistani state was fiercely centralized and controlled by non-Bengalis, who, for their own benefit, were keen to establish Urdu as the state language. This created a new fear: after shaking off British rule, would Bengalis now become subservient to Urdu-speaking elites?
In reality, that’s exactly what happened. Not only was there an attempt to impose Urdu as the national language, but also to build a new form of nationalism around that language. At the time of Pakistan’s creation, the religious identity of Bengali Muslims was foregrounded. After independence, their Bengali identity took center stage—and with it, a deep anxiety about whether that identity could be preserved.
What followed was the launch and escalation of a movement to establish Bengali nationalism. The Pakistani state opposed it, not just ideologically but with violence. The result was genocide and a war of resistance—leading ultimately to the founding of an independent and sovereign Bangladesh.
The writer is Emeritus Professor, University of Dhaka
Bd-pratidin English/ ANI
