As long as politicians in Bangladesh cannot erase words like “coming to power” and “governing the country” from their minds, there is no hope for any real change in the fate of the nation and its people.
The terms “power” and “governance” carry a royal or colonial arrogance that implies depriving people of their rightful partnership in the running of the state—people upon whose shoulders these politicians climb to grasp the throne of “power.” The country then ceases to be a “People’s Republic of Bangladesh.”
While the Constitution calls for accountability to the people, no one adheres to it. Transparency in their actions is out of the question.
Did any of the elected members in the twelve national parliaments—whether elected through votes or not—ever promise during their campaigns, “If elected, I will take a government plot,” “I will buy a duty-free car,” or “I will buy a few apartments in Dhaka’s elite areas in the names of my wife and children”?
No, they do not say such things. They say what they do not believe or intend to do. But once elected, they indulge themselves in fulfilling long-held, suppressed desires. The few thousand taka in assets they mention in affidavits submitted to the Election Commission suddenly swell like floodwaters—wives suddenly own heavy gold jewellery, and they acquire vast tracts of land. It seems as if they have found Aladdin’s magic lamp. The wealth gained through dishonest means is laundered abroad. Their children are sent to top foreign universities. Once in power—by any means—they turn into all-devouring predators and tolerate no rivals in this gluttonous contest.
Awami League never had the habit of eating sparingly. Their underlying motto was: "If you’re going to kill, kill a rhino; if you’re going to loot, loot a treasure chest!" Petty theft was beneath their style.
How many MPs of these 12 parliaments knew—or will know in the future—that the primary role of parliament is to legislate for the welfare of the country and the people? They don’t even try to understand the law-making process or the content of laws. Echoing the Speaker, most MPs simply shout "Yes" or "No" in chorus, and laws are passed. Their only concern is lobbying for costly development projects in their own constituencies. Projects mean contracts, and contracts mean a golden opportunity to embezzle. Once in “power,” they become masters of the people and begin to act in ways contrary to public interest.
In this game of anti-people governance, no party has matched the skill of the Awami League. When BNP was in power, it too tried to follow in the footsteps of the Awami League. But in this field of injustice, corruption, and abuse, BNP proved itself a novice.
Following the downfall of the Awami League government last August and the flight of its entourage, BNP is now desperate to score goals unhindered in a near-empty political field—convinced they may never get another such opportunity. They are not willing to accept any delay in entering the election race.
Whenever the Awami League has had the chance to run the state, it has turned into a monster. The intolerance it inherited from the 1954 provincial election, where the United Front triumphed, was later given full expression after independence in 1971. There was no atrocity they didn’t commit to entrench their hold.
Just as Sheikh Mujib turned the state into a personal inheritance, Sheikh Hasina established dynastic rule through the rigging of the three most disgraceful elections in democratic history: those of 2014, 2018, and 2024. Calling these events “elections” is an insult to the electoral process of any country. Had fate not overturned her throne, the people of Bangladesh would have soon become vassals of the Sheikh family under a “Permanent Settlement.”
As mentioned, in the 1954 provincial election, the Awami Muslim League—under the leadership of Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy—first tasted power as the main ally in the United Front. However, due to persistent conflict with A K Fazlul Huq’s Krishak Sramik Party (KSP), the Awami League failed to enjoy full control and became increasingly frenzied. After Suhrawardy’s death, Sheikh Mujib emerged as the undisputed leader of the Awami League.
True, under his leadership, the party won a landslide in Pakistan’s first general election in 1970. When Bengalis were denied their rightful claim to power, armed struggle against Pakistani rule became inevitable. But why the Awami League chose to prioritise power’s spoils over public service and national progress can be traced back to the 1954 United Front victory.
Just as British rulers appointed Governors to oversee colonial interests, Pakistani rulers appointed their own men as Governors of East Pakistan to dominate the provincial government. This pattern continued with the arbitrary dismissal of the United Front government in 1954, plunging East Pakistan into a long-lasting political stalemate—with the Awami League also bearing part of the blame.
The United Front, formed to defeat the Muslim League led by Nurul Amin, comprised Fazlul Huq’s KSP, Maulana Bhashani, and Suhrawardy’s Awami Muslim League. In the 309-seat provincial legislature, the Muslim League won only 10 seats, while the United Front secured 223 out of 237 contested seats. Although the Awami Muslim League won the most seats (143), Fazlul Huq was selected as the parliamentary leader. Initial disagreements over cabinet formation led to Awami League’s temporary withdrawal, though they later joined with more ministers. Internal rifts led to the cabinet’s dissolution and the imposition of Governor’s Rule.
Even in 1955, when the parliamentary team reconvened, disputes between the Awami League and KSP were visible. The Awami League adopted a strategy of eliminating rival political presence in East Pakistan—first demonstrated when they disrupted a public rally by Maulana Bhashani’s National Awami Party at Paltan Maidan. At the time, the Awami League held power in the province. But tensions with the KSP persisted, leading to repeated changes in government. Neither party had the patience or tolerance to nurture democratic processes.
At one point, some legislative members were listed under both parties. The Governor summoned both parties’ leaders and requested they present the disputed members. One morning, senior KSP leader and Food Minister Abdul Latif Biswas brought Mr Ali to Government House, claiming he belonged to KSP. That night, around 11:30 pm, two cars arrived. From the first stepped Awami League General Secretary Sheikh Mujib, accompanied by Mr Ali—who was dishevelled, in a lungi, and visibly distressed. Mujib and two others took him to the Governor, where Mr Ali declared he had been forced earlier to sign in support of KSP and now wished to correct his “mistake,” reaffirming his allegiance to the Awami League.
On 20 September 1958, following the end of Governor’s Rule, the provincial assembly reconvened. NAP’s Dewan Mahbub Ali brought a no-confidence motion against KSP’s Speaker Abdul Hakim, labelling him mentally unstable. The session descended into chaos, with members clashing physically. Three days later, during a session presided over by Deputy Speaker Shahed Ali (a KSP member supported by the Awami League), violence erupted again. A paperweight—or possibly a chair armrest—struck Shahed Ali, fatally injuring him. He died in hospital two days later.
This marked the tragic death of democracy and the rise of military rule.
Although Awami League members including Sheikh Mujib were blamed, the party denied involvement. However, the Justice Asir Commission report contained documents implicating Mujib both before and after the attack.
Speaker Abdul Hakim’s telegram to President Iskander Mirza said: “Mujibur Rahman over Telephone several times threatened me with violence of the worst sort saying I will not be allowed to enter the Assembly. Will be bodily removed adding that no local police will be of help to me. Relation of mine was assaulted last evening. I seek your advice.” (Justice Asir Commission Report)
KSP’s Abu Hossain Sarkar said in a phonogram to the President: “Mujibur Rahman and other leaders attacked Speaker with spears, rods and microphone stands, imported armed goondas by Awami Leaguers rushed inside Assembly from outside attacked Speaker and opposition members encircling Speaker to save his life were molested and beaten, despite frantic appeal police refused help, some opposition members wrongfully confined in Awami Minister’s house, others threatened with attack anywhere any time.” (Justice Asir Commission Report)
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The writer is a US-based senior journalist and translator
