The National Institute of Ophthalmology, Bangladesh’s only specialised eye hospital, has remained non-functional for five consecutive days. This institution plays a significant role in the country’s health sector by serving around 3,000 patients and performing 200 surgeries daily on average. But the hospital’s doctors, nurses and staff are not resuming their work due to security concerns. Yet, the government and the health adviser remain silent. No one seems to be willing to take the responsibility.
Meanwhile, the Secretariat, which is the country’s administrative heart, has remained nearly paralysed for the past two weeks. The Secretariat Employees' Unity Council is staging protests demanding repeal of what they call a “black law”. In that case, too, the government appears unconcerned, and its advisers speak as if there’s no urgency—“Let’s wait and see.”
Lately, the energy adviser visited some factories in Gazipur to assess the ongoing gas crisis. Most industrial units in the country are now nearly inoperative due to the energy shortage. Even after repeated assurances, there has been no improvement.
In the meantime, corruption allegations amounting to Tk 150 crore have surfaced against a personal assistant to Nahid Islam, the convener of the National Citizens’ Party and former ICT adviser. That brings the tally of advisers in the interim government with tainted personal aides to five. The administration remains indifferent in this case too.
This is really a chaotic situation. Common people wonder whether a functioning government even exists. They feel abandoned and helpless. Many are now echoing Siraj-ud-Daulah’s lament: “Dark clouds loom over Bengal’s skies. Who will give hope, and who will give assurance?”
The interim government, led by Dr Muhammad Yunus, took office in August last year with overwhelming public support. But what have we gained in ten months? With each passing day, this administration seems to be mimicking the same authoritarian traits of the ousted Awami League regime.
The revolution was supposed to usher in a new order. But there’s little sign of that progress. Like the AL government, this one also blames the opposition for every failure and sees conspiracies everywhere. Dr Yunus, much like Sheikh Hasina, has now been busy making foreign trips and collecting honorary doctorate degrees from obscure universities. Denial of reality and a lack of transparency and accountability have returned. The people ask, “Where is the peace?”
The interim government lacks a clear roadmap or defined targets. Even politically, the unity forged during the anti-autocracy movement is falling apart. On 2 June, Dr Yunus held a second round of talks through the so-called National Consensus Commission. But it feels more like a political farce than a genuine dialogue.
The first round of the “dialogue game” is over, and now a second league begins. The nation doesn’t know when this will end. Even the advisers know that building national consensus doesn’t require this much time. It’s a delaying tactic— nothing more. And it’s only heightening uncertainty among the public. Some observers argue the interim government is deliberately sowing political discord to divide and rule, an old trick to stay in power.
It is increasingly clear that the interim government has no intention of holding elections by December. Dr Yunus’ statements point to this. But can this government extend its stay without the backing of its power centres?
One such power base is the political unity that brought this government into office. If that alliance breaks and some factions turn against the interim setup, staying in power will become extremely difficult. Another power base is the armed forces—the symbol of the nation’s sovereignty. Their role made the peaceful transition possible, and the current semblance of order owes a lot to their tireless efforts. If they withdraw to the barracks tomorrow, chaos could erupt.
The government should have engaged with the armed forces, gaining their trust and finalising a roadmap for political reform. But it is failing to do so. Meanwhile, some quarters are irresponsibly criticising the military. Thankfully, the armed forces have shown extraordinary restraint. Brigadier General Humayun Kayyum’s calm handling of a mob in Rangpur deserves a salute.
In stark contrast, the behaviour of a National Citizens’ Party leader towards a senior army officer was not just discourteous—it was a gesture of outright insolence. If these student leaders lack basic manners, what can they offer to the public? After that video went viral, people began questioning the character and upbringing of these self-proclaimed July revolutionaries. But that is beside the point. The real issue is this: the country is in a deep crisis, and the people are exhausted. There is only one way out: elections. People must be allowed to choose their government. Holding elections should now be the government’s top priority. That is the only path to restoring order.
Instead, the government is coupling elections with structural reforms, further complicating the crisis. Is this delay a calculated strategy? The longer the election is postponed, the more divisions will widen and the greater the risk of renewed unrest. The interim government lacks the strength to handle such a scenario. Can the government maintain order if the armed forces truly return to the barracks after December? Or is it simply turning a blind eye?
Politics is not the only pressing matter. The economy is also in peril. The new fiscal year’s budget offers little hope or promise. Economist Dr Debapriya Bhattacharya called it a budget without a roadmap. It is simply a rehash of the previous regime’s policies. So, what has changed? How will the proposed reforms bring relief to ordinary people? The budget offers no clear strategy for real change. To revive the economy, the government organised an investment summit. Foreign investors were courted, and tales of upcoming investments were spun. But to many, these now sound like fairy tales.
When foreign investors consider investing in Bangladesh, at first they tend to enquire about the country’s law and order situation, safety and the business climate. But can anyone today confidently say that things are favourable here? Are factories receiving a sufficient supply of electricity and gas? Are businessmen free from fear of harassment? No. Many industries have gone bankrupt—facing harassment, bank account seizures, and undue humiliation. Observing this environment, many foreign investors will surely stay away.
So, what Bangladesh now needs is an investment-friendly environment. But the government is doing little to facilitate that. Society is now plagued by instability. Law and order is deteriorating daily. Mob violence has evolved into mob fascism. People fear for their safety. And the government… remains silent.
The writer is a playwright and columnist.
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