Last Tuesday night (20 May), a high-level meeting on the law and order situation was held with the chief adviser. The chiefs of the Army, Navy, and Air Force were present. Several senior government officials also attended. Other than an official statement from the Chief Adviser’s Press Wing, no further details about the meeting were disclosed. However, the mere occurrence of such a high-level meeting indicates its grave importance. Everyone is more or less aware of the kind of situation that prompts this level of discussion on law and order.
The country’s law and order situation is not good. In fact, that phrase is insufficient. It is alarming, terrifying, and deeply concerning. Bangladesh now stands on the brink of chaos. There is no control over anything, anywhere. Political parties are waging movements on the streets with various demands. Meanwhile, professionals from different sectors are staging protests and blockades, effectively bringing the country to a standstill. Violence, terrorism, and lawlessness are rampant. There is no resistance to mob violence. In fact, mobsters are being unlawfully freed from police custody. Not even the minimum legal procedures are being followed when releasing an arrested suspect. Harassment through fabricated lawsuits has become a daily affair. Murder cases have become a mockery. There’s now an open and visible conspiracy to destroy major business houses and industrial establishments. Private entrepreneurs are being harassed on one hand, while the media is being used to destroy the economy through trial by media on the other. All in all, the country is undergoing a kind of orchestrated destruction – an engineered disaster. Is this situation arising spontaneously, or is it being deliberately manufactured? To find the answer, we need to look back.
If we look at the political landscape of Bangladesh in 2006, we find striking similarities with the present. At the end of 2006, political parties were pitted against each other, engaging in bloody violence over power. Countrywide blockades of roads and railways, along with disruptive programs, crippled business and commerce. During that time, the so-called civil society plunged into the conflict, fueling tensions from both sides. Their divisive statements in TV talk shows and newspapers misled the nation and pushed political parties away from compromise and toward conflict. The goal was to create a national crisis. And taking advantage of that, the 1/11 government led by Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed seized power. The actions of that government – aimed at the destruction and depoliticization of Bangladesh – clearly indicate that the events of late 2006 were premeditated and part of a master plan, a blueprint meticulously implemented.
Is the same thing happening again? The country is now in a similar state. Bangladesh is burning in the fire of unrest. The architects of the 2007 1/11 regime – those who launched a mission to destroy Bangladesh’s politics and economy to grab power–are now again at the center of power. Under the leadership of Dr Muhammad Yunus, it seems they are steering the interim government astray. Is a powerful faction within the government trying to recreate another 1/11 scenario? Is Bangladesh walking into yet another 1/11 trap?
In 2007, the 1/11 regime led by Dr Fakhruddin had three major agendas:
First, to create division within politics and incite terrorism and violence through that division, so that public disillusionment with politics grows and space is created for civil society to take control. In 2007, political issues were taken to court to muddy the waters. The same seems to be happening now. The first and foremost objective of 1/11 was to keep an unelected regime in power for an extended period by turning people against politics.
Second, the aim was to destroy the economy – make the country dependent on foreign loans, effectively turning us into slaves of donors. The mission of 1/11’s strategists was to harass patriotic businessmen and industrialists who employ millions – filing false cases, conducting media trials, tarnishing their image. The goal was to paralyze and destroy the economy.
Third, to establish long-term rule by foreign-backed civil society elites. The country would not be run by the will or in the interest of its people, but rather according to prescriptions from foreign powers. These “civil rulers” would become trusted “managers” of foreign patrons.
Now, let us analyze the current interim government under Dr Muhammad Yunus in light of the 2007 Fakhruddin regime. Just as the Fakhruddin government started a campaign of depoliticization–labeling political parties as corrupt, ignorant, and unfit – similar rhetoric is once again gaining ground since the July uprising. A relentless smear campaign is being waged against political parties. Many advisors within this government are speaking disdainfully and disrespectfully about politicians. Their political hatred is proof that the ghost of 1/11 is haunting this government. The same culture is back. The attempt at depoliticization is now out in the open. The so-called “National Consensus Commission” formed by the government is not seeking unity, but rather fueling political division. Because of them, BNP, NCP, and Jamaat are now at odds. They are inciting confrontation between feminist and faith-based political groups.The forces behind the July revolution are being deliberately divided and turned into opponents–leading the country into political conflict.
Just like during 1/11, patriotic businessmen and entrepreneurs are once again being harassed through media trials. In 2007, we saw false, baseless, and fabricated reports against major businesses in certain newspapers that were executing the agenda of 1/11. Instead of exposing real corruption, they conspired to destroy the economy. That blueprint is now being reenacted. Ten banks are being labeled as bankrupt. The unelected interim government is enacting laws to liquidate these banks–shaking public confidence in the banking sector. Loan defaults have reached a new record. To secure IMF loans, the currency exchange rate has been floated, creating a new crisis for business and trade. Like the 2007 regime, this interim government is more focused on projects like “humanitarian corridors,” the Chattogram port, and Saint Martin’s Island – rather than on elections or improving law and order. It’s clear whom they are trying to please.
The government’s top priority should be holding free and fair elections. But public attention is being diverted. The 11 major business houses now being harassed through media trials are the country’s largest employers. Hundreds of thousands have already lost jobs. Who knows how many more will follow? The situation being created seems aimed at shutting down businesses and crippling half of the economy. A faction within the government appears hell-bent on executing the 1/11 agenda.
Just like during 1/11, civil society elites had dreams of indefinite power. That same greed is now openly visible. Most of the influential members of this government seem uninterested in elections. Instead of focusing on core responsibilities, they are busy planning a “humanitarian corridor.” Who gave this interim government the mandate to lease the country’s seaports to foreign powers? Do they even have that authority?
The central demand of the July revolution was people’s empowerment–to return power to the people. The primary means of doing that is through a free, fair, and participatory election – something the army chief has repeatedly emphasised. But it appears we are drifting further away from that goal. Bangladesh seems to be once again falling into the trap of 1/11.
Amid this situation, the only visible ray of hope is our armed forces. The military is still working with the intent of returning power to the people. With remarkable patience, they are trying to maintain law and order. Staying away from political ambitions, they continue to safeguard the country’s sovereignty, integrity, and the lives of its people...
But despite the stance taken by the armed forces, a certain quarter is still engaged in new conspiracies against the country. To protect ourselves from such plots, holding an election is essential. If we fall into another trap like 1/11, we will once again be pushed backward. The 1/11 episode in 2007 set Bangladesh back by 10 years. If another 1/11-like situation arises, our economy and politics will collapse – and from there, rebuilding a new Bangladesh will become impossible.
The writer is a playwright and columnist.
E-mail: [email protected]
