Dear readers, I am the well-known Awami League. Today, I stand at the brink of death, in a state of near collapse. Whether life will ever return to my lifeless body is known only to the Almighty. In our country, there are many examples where ancestors build mountains of wealth, only for the descendants to destroy them. My condition today is just like that. Established by Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani, and later flourishing under his close disciple Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, I now stand at the threshold of life and death. Due to the political missteps of the daughter of Mujib, I am now condemned and criticized by the public.
My original name at birth was ‘Awami Muslim League,’ which later dropped the word 'Muslim.' At the time of my inception, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who later became my main leader, was in jail. 'Huzur Bhasani' made him the joint secretary of the party. Regardless, in the following years, it was under Sheikh Mujib's leadership that I expanded significantly. My first division came in 1957, when the foreign policy of Pakistan caused a rift between my two main leaders, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani and Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, dividing me. Maulana Bhasani abandoned me to form a new party, NAP. But that’s another story.
After that, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman took over my leadership. Through timely decisions and connecting with the masses, I became the largest political organization in East Pakistan at the time. Then came the general elections of 1970. Prior to that, Sheikh Mujib had gained a huge reputation among the people of East Pakistan due to the Agartala Conspiracy case. In the election, my symbol (boat) was victorious, and I secured a massive majority. But due to the conspiracy of President Yahya Khan and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, I was unable to come to power. The crisis grew deeper, eventually becoming irreconcilable.
On the dark night of March 25, 1971, the Pakistani military began its genocide against the innocent, unarmed Bengalis. The nation was left in utter confusion. I had never felt such helplessness since my birth. Those who had been involved in politics under my name hid, each seeking their own safety. My leader, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, voluntarily surrendered to the Pakistani forces and was taken away to West Pakistan. Meanwhile, helpless people became the targets of the brutal Pakistani army's bullets.
At such a time, a young major stood up. I silently watched as he rose with immense courage to rebel against the Pakistani government! Major Ziaur Rahman roared with defiance, declaring "We revolt!"
On the evening of March 27, he announced the beginning of Bangladesh’s Liberation War from the Kalurghat Radio Station in Chattogram. His fiery voice awakened the nation. A bewildered people, regaining their senses, leapt into the freedom struggle. Meanwhile, the leaders who crossed the border and sought refuge in India formed a government in exile and continued to lead the war.
Ultimately, on December 16 of that year, with the surrender of the Pakistani forces, the independent and sovereign nation of Bangladesh emerged.
After independence, my name became associated with rampant corruption. Ministers, MPs, and leaders of the ruling government treated the country as their personal estate, doing whatever they wished. Relief supplies meant for the starving people of the war-torn nation were diverted into the hands of those in power. Tin, blankets, and even clothing were greedily consumed by the thugs who carried my flag. I felt ashamed and silently suffered. A reign of terror was established across the country. They declared that no other political party had the right to exist, and opposition forces were crushed by monstrous hands. To accomplish this, a monstrous force known as the 'Rakkhi Bahini' was created, becoming a dark chapter in history.
Despite all this, the ruler Sheikh Mujib found no peace. In his pursuit to make state power permanent, he adopted extreme autocratic measures. The lifelong advocate of democracy, Sheikh Mujib, killed democracy itself. On January 25, 1975, the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution was passed in the National Parliament, ending the multi-party democratic system and establishing a one-party rule. Along with this, the time of my death drew near. My demise in independent Bangladesh was tragic. I was killed by the very hands of Sheikh Mujib, who had nurtured me.
On February 24, I was buried, and in my place, the 'Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League' (BAKSAL) was formed. It was declared a national party, but in reality, it was not. It was Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s failed attempt to establish one-man rule. I call it a failed attempt because his effort was ultimately unsuccessful. Though disheartened, I had no power to change it. When those in charge, especially the main leader, decided to bury me, who could stand in their way? Only two individuals protested: General M A G Osmani and Barrister Mainul Hosein. They resigned from Parliament in protest against the establishment of a one-party system.
I was buried, and on top of my grave, the multi-story building of BAKSAL was constructed. Beneath, I lay in my grave, while above, BAKSAL stood. I couldn’t even share my pain with anyone. The very purpose for which I was born—to protest the injustice, cruelty, and oppression of the Pakistani rulers and to fight for the rights of the people—was killed by a group whose goal was to make their power permanent. And the person who killed me was the one who had no contribution to my birth process. Perhaps because he did not create me, his hand did not tremble when it struck the knife in my throat. I must add here that no political party established by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman exists today. The BAKSAL he founded did not survive after his death.
In 1976, when President Justice A. M. Sayem’s government suspended certain provisions of the BAKSAL law and allowed politics to breathe again, the people of BAKSAL brought me back from the grave. They declared BAKSAL abandoned. However, in the 1980s, a party was formed by Mohiuddin Ahmed and Abdur Razzaq under the name of BAKSAL, but it did not last long. That party, too, eventually merged back into my being.
The Awami League you see today, lying on its deathbed, is not the same as the one founded by Maulana Bhasani. The current version of me was registered under the Political Party Regulations (PPR) of the Sayem-Zia government in 1976. During those difficult times, Begum Zohra Tajuddin, the wife of Bangladesh's first Prime Minister Tajuddin Ahmad, took on the responsibility of organizing me as my convenor. In that sense, I am now 49 years old.
Time has passed since then. The waters of the Padma, Meghna, Jamuna, Brahmaputra, Buriganga, and Dholeshwari rivers have flowed on. Twenty-one years after Sheikh Mujib’s downfall, I once again stood tall. Many had hoped that, having learned from the years between 1972-75, those who carried my name would act with restraint. You may recall that before the 1996 elections, on June 12, Sheikh Hasina, wearing a black hijab and holding a prayer beads, posed as a pious figure and said, "Forgive our past mistakes and crimes, and let us return to power one more time." A section of the public was likely swayed by her heartfelt plea, and they voted for the boat symbol. However, Sheikh Hasina was unable to form a government on her own. She formed a cabinet with the help of Ershad's Jatiya Party and the JSD’s ASM Abdur Rob.
The saying goes, "Just as water cannot wash away all the dirt, a person's nature remains unchanged, even in death." My flag-bearers proved this to be true. From 1996 to 2001, the misrule of '72-’75 was repeated. However, the consequences were not long in coming. In the 2001 elections, the boat sank in the river, and the BNP came to power. Subsequently, due to various conspiracies, the state of emergency was declared in 2007.
After many events and twists, Sheikh Hasina returned to power in the December 30, 2008 election. With an overwhelming majority, they abolished the caretaker government system from the constitution. Along with police, RAB, and other agencies, they launched a brutal campaign of repression against the opposition, particularly the BNP. Despite being battered, the BNP survived, sustained by the people's support. From 2009 to August 5, 2024, the Sheikh Hasina government has left no stone unturned in their efforts to crush the opposition.
On the other hand, there was widespread plundering of state resources. From the union level to the top echelons, my leaders and workers, like pests, were feasting on the nation's wealth. It was as though a new breed of 'locusts' had emerged! Just as locusts form swarms and devour the crops, they too, in groups, began consuming the entire country. In this malfeasance, none were behind, including Sheikh Hasina herself, who led me, along with her family and relatives.
After being in power for fifteen years, and with their eyes blinded by power, they no longer saw any strong political opposition in sight. They had become like a wild, uncontrolled horse. The lives of ordinary people were being torn apart under the blows of its hooves. The people could not speak out, but they raised their hands, praying to God for relief from this calamity. Eventually, their prayers were answered. A student-led movement against discrimination turned into a people's uprising, and the fall of the Hasina government was inevitable. Sheikh Hasina fled the country.
Due to the wrongdoings of Sheikh Hasina and her associates, today I am deemed disgraceful. No one wants to acknowledge my identity. In fact, many are unwilling to even admit that they had any connection with me in the past. There is no need to go into the detailed explanation of why this situation has arisen. Today, there is a demand to ban me. The pain of this is beyond description.
I only want to say one thing and take my leave today: my father, Sheikh Mujib, killed me by passing a law in Parliament. And because of the actions of his daughter, I am now lying in the political ICU, in a state of being almost dead. I am wondering whether I will ever recover, or if this is the end of my life. Only destiny knows the answer to that.
Author: Journalist and Political Analyst
