In the West Bengal Assembly elections, Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress (TMC) faced defeat by the BJP after 15 years in power. Many will offer various explanations for why the TMC lost.
However, the late CPM leader Buddhadeb Bhattacharya had called this disaster inevitable back in 2011. Fifteen years ago, it was the TMC that had ended 34 years of Leftist rule by defeating them.
At that time, the widely respected leftist leader, without making excuses, stated that when the government and the party merge into one, the organisation is destroyed and the government becomes detached from the people.
Buddhadeb warned that if the TMC could not separate the government from the party – if the government became drowned in “party-fication” – it would meet the same fate. That fate has now been sealed by the election results. His statement is applicable not only to West Bengal or India but to all democratic nations in the world.
A political party seeks to earn public trust based on its specific programmes. Through elections, the party that receives the people’s mandate gains the responsibility of running the country.
They form the government. Once a political party is elected by the people’s vote, it is recognised as the government of all citizens, not just of one party.
In a democracy, a political party succeeds only when it can distinguish between the party and the state. If the party devours the government, the party suffers, and the government fails to be effective.
In advanced democracies, we observe this balanced positioning. For instance, in the United States, Donald Trump is the President, but Michael Whatley is the Chairman of the Republican National Committee (RNC). The President is engaged in governing the state, while the National Committee handles organisational strengthening. Once elected, the President is no longer just a party leader; he becomes a national and global leader. While the US has a presidential system where party activities are centered around elections, the role of parties in a parliamentary democracy is much broader. Even there, every organ of the government works independently. A balance is maintained to keep the government separate from the ruling party. In Britain, Keir Starmer is the leader of the parliamentary party, while Anna Turley is the Chair of the Labour Party. Those involved in organisational party work in the UK are generally not part of the government; even if some are, they hold relatively less significant positions so they can dedicate enough time to the organisation. For example, Chair Anna Turley is a Minister without Portfolio.
In neighboring India, the BJP has been in power for 12 consecutive years. Narendra Modi is the leader of the parliamentary party and the Prime Minister, while Nitin Nabin serves as a key organisational leader. Efforts are always made to keep government administration free from party interference. If party members attempt to influence the administration or law enforcement, strict action is taken. In India, the BJP has taken action against nearly two hundred of its own leaders and workers this year just for interfering in police station affairs.
The mentality that “the party is in power, so we can control everything” – interfering in police matters, influencing tenders, or engaging in “transfer-appointment business” – tarnishes the government’s image and damages the organisation. The relationship between the ruling party and the government should be like railway tracks: two lines running side-by-side, but never crossing or merging. Democracy flourishes and parties grow stronger only when this practice is maintained.
However, our experience over the last 54 years has not been pleasant. Whenever a party comes to power, its activists often feel that the country belongs only to them. Being in power is seen as a “license” to do whatever they please. As soon as a government is formed, opportunists begin lining their pockets, and “seasonal” sycophants swarm around power like bees. Instead of organisational work, some become focused on occupying marketplaces, bus stands, and river ports. Confused workers look for shortcuts to wealth through lobbying, tenders, and extortion. Some interfere in administration; others extort businesses. This creates a “vicious cycle of power.”
Government circles often indulge these misdeeds for their own interests. A police officer might think that staying in the good graces of ruling party leaders will lead to promotions or allow them to engage in corruption. A District Commissioner might fear that refusing an unjust request from the ruling party will label them an “agent of the opposition”. In this way, “party-fication” floods every sector like floodwater.
Policymakers, fearing opposition criticism, try to hide or ignore these misdeeds. This “culture of denial” increasingly alienates the ruling party from the people. To cling to power, dissent is suppressed, and media freedom is curtailed. Instead of relying on the people’s vote, the government begins to rely on bureaucrats and the police. Attention shifts from the ballot box to manipulation. This is how a democratic government enters a dark tunnel of crisis, which not only leads to its downfall but also destroys the party organisation, eventually resulting in mass uprisings like those of 1990 or ‘24.
The people have entrusted the BNP with the responsibility of governing the country through the 12 February elections. A government has been formed under the leadership of Tarique Rahman. This government is not just for those who voted for the BNP; it is a government for 200 million people. The government must ensure equal rights for all. We must move away from the suicidal “my man, your man” mentality. A clear division must be maintained between the government and the party. Extortion, tender manipulation, and corruption using the party’s identity must be strictly suppressed.
Tarique Rahman has been extremely cautious about these matters since the BNP took charge. Following the model of advanced democracies, he did not include key organisational figures like Nazrul Islam Khan, Mirza Abbas, or Ruhul Kabir Rizvi as major ministers. Except for Gayeshwar Chandra Roy, he has honored others with advisory roles so they can focus on organisational work. Many who suffered persecution over the last 17 years were not made MPs or ministers. While it might seem like they weren’t “rewarded”, this is actually Tarique Rahman’s political foresight. He is vigilant about ensuring the organisation remains strong and dynamic while the government functions. He has warned grassroots activists not to overstep since he took office. He is consistently strict about party discipline and does not hesitate to take organisational action against those who violate orders. This message has reached the grassroots.
The public is beginning to see the benefits. Extortion has decreased to some extent. Land grabbing and tender manipulation are significantly lower than during the Yunus government’s tenure. However, in a massive party like the BNP, isolated incidents may still occur despite strict discipline. These must not be indulged. Activists must be discouraged from lobbying at police stations or visiting government offices unnecessarily.
In recent decades, the poison of “party-fixation” has spread through the administration, law enforcement, and the judiciary in Bangladesh. Government officials often prefer to see themselves as party loyalists rather than civil servants. Some become “bigger leaders” than the politicians themselves to secure promotions or corrupt opportunities. The government, in turn, becomes dependent on these sycophants. Bureaucrats and police then become the “henchmen” of the government, leading to the marginalisation of political leaders and the endangerment of the party organisation. We have seen in the past how parties that stayed in power for a long time ended up being run by bureaucrats and police, establishing a “bureaucracy-police-raj.” We all know the consequences of that.
The ruling BNP must learn from these past events. It must be remembered that a democratic government is a political government. Politics must lead the nation, while the administration and law enforcement serve the people neutrally according to the law and the constitution. Only then will the rule of law and justice be established, and democracy will become sustainable.
Audite Karim: Writer and Playwright.Email: [email protected]
