For the past two decades, the Prothom Alo-The Daily Star clique has been engaged in a mission to destroy the BNP. The spokesperson for the so-called civil society virtually declared a jihad against the BNP to implement the Indian agenda.
The Prothom Alo’s smear campaign against the BNP can be divided into three parts: fabricating lies about corruption involving the BNP, attempting to establish links between the BNP and militancy and running negative campaigns against BNP’s long-standing movement and organisational efforts over the past 17 years, creating confusion among the public.
In the 2001 election, the BNP-led four-party alliance achieved a landslide victory. Begum Khaleda Zia became prime minister for the third time, securing a two-third majority. This victory of the BNP was unacceptable to many who were anti-Bangladesh and proponents of Indian hegemony. They immediately began hatching conspiracies and machinations, and the key players in these conspiracies were the Prothom Alo-The Daily Star group.
They began their mission in 2001 to rehabilitate the Awami League. A core part of this blueprint was to spread imaginary stories on BNP’s involvement in corruption. Through Goebbelsian propaganda, the Prothom Alo and The Daily Star began the process of reinstating the Awami League.
An analysis of Prothom Alo’s reporting from October 2001 to October 2006 reveals that they published more than 1,000 reports against the BNP. Among these, 338 were lead stories. A newspaper can certainly report objective news about corruption. But nearly all of these reports were false and baseless. Later, these allegations were proven to be untrue. Yet neither the Prothom Alo nor The Daily Star apologised for these falsehoods.
Political analysts believe that the Prothom Alo launched a mission of depoliticisation in Bangladesh starting in 2001. Character assassination of BNP leaders became a feature of their editorial policy. If the so-called corruption-related reports against the BNP at that time were analysed using legal and judicial standards, it will be found that most of the reports constitute punishable offences.
For example, a report titled “Corruption at Every Step, Fibre Optic Cable Installation Uncertain, Re-tender to Protect Guilty?” was published by the Prothom Alo on 4 April 2005. It claimed that due to corruption, the fibre optic cable installation could not proceed. However, the Anti-Corruption Commission investigated the matter and found no corruption; rather, the re-tendering was done to safeguard the national interest. Yet, the Prothom Alo never issued an apology.
The Prothom Alo published a report quoting Lutfozzaman Babar, titled “Political Influence and Financial Dealings in Police Recruitment,” claiming that 80% of recruits paid money and the rest were party loyalists. They even claimed, “Madam listened to Tarique more.” This report appeared on 5 June 2007, asserting that Babar made such confessions while on remand. But no such statement is documented in any court record. Moreover, publishing statements made by any while on remand is a punishable offence. It was later revealed that Babar made no such confessions. The Anti-Corruption Commission’s investigation in 2010 found no corruption in the police recruitment. Even during the Awami League’s regime, no evidence of wrongdoing was found.
While the BNP was in power, the Prothom Alo published a report titled “Corruption: World Bank Wants Refund” on 8 November 2005, alleging irregularities of Tk6.8 crore in three projects: municipal services, health and population, and the national nutrition programme. However, subsequent investigations found the allegations to be entirely untrue.
In another report, it was claimed that “45 ministers and state ministers are using project vehicles, spending over Tk1 million monthly on fuel.” However, it was later found that when a ministry lacks a functioning vehicle, using project vehicles is permitted and does not constitute corruption.
Another headline during the BNP government was “Govt Fails in Power Sector Development.” In reality, the BNP had adopted a comprehensive plan for power development, which laid the groundwork for a national electricity infrastructure.
A report titled “Niko Buys a Million-Taka Vehicle for State Minister” was clearly aimed at discrediting the BNP and branding it corrupt to further the Awami League’s mission.
When Bangladesh topped Transparency International’s corruption index for the fifth consecutive time, the Prothom Alo published the story as lead item on its front page on 19 October 2005. In contrast, during the Awami League’s rule, similar stories were buried in the inside pages.
From 2001 to 2006, character assassination of BNP leaders was a major aspect of Prothom Alo’s journalism. By fabricating stories about the BNP, they fuelled the Awami League’s movement and fostered negative perceptions of the BNP among the public. They would sensationalise any allegation without verifying its authenticity.
On 31 March 2005, the Prothom Alo published a report titled “84 of 100 Plots Went to BNP Ministers-MPs. Cheap BNP Neighbourhood.” The Awami League government later investigated this claim but found no irregularities in the allotments.
Another report on 3 January 2005, titled “BNP Neighbourhood in Elite Area,” had the same intent- character assassination.
The Prothom Alo also fabricated stories of corruption and irregularities against various BNP leaders. These reports led to cases being filed, and during the Awami League regime, many of these cases were used as tools of harassment. Over 100 BNP leaders were convicted; many spent years in prison.
In this way, the Prothom Alo handed the Awami League the weapon of corruption allegations to use against the BNP.
Alongside corruption, from 2001, the Prothom Alo and The Daily Star also launched a mission to brand Bangladesh as a militant state, trying to portray the BNP as connected with militancy. This created a negative image of the BNP among the US and other Western nations and helped rehabilitate the Awami League.
They fabricated one militant-related story after another, attempting to establish an international narrative that the BNP was a patron of militants.
Accusing the BNP of involvement in the August 21 grenade attack and linking the party to militancy were entirely a “fabrication” by the Prothom Alo. These fictitious tales went beyond fairy tales during 2001-2008. Through these lies, the Prothom Alo and The Daily Star created doubts about the BNP internationally and smeared the image of Bangladesh itself.
Recently, the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court dismissed any link between the BNP and the August 21 grenade attack as a “fiction.” The country’s apex court acquitted all the convicts in the case.
Similarly, in the 10-truck arms haul case, the Prothom Alo tried to insert a militant angle. They attempted various dramatisations around the issue.
Moreover, the Prothom Alo instructed its local correspondents nationwide to “discover militancy.” In line with these directives, the Prothom Alo published a report on 30 January 2007, which officially branded the BNP as a “militant organisation”.
The headline was “BNP’s 8 Ministers-MPs Patronised Militancy.” The report directly implicated eight BNP ministers and MPs in militancy, including late Barrister Aminul Haque. Other names mentioned included popular local MP and former mayor Mizanur Rahman Minu, Ruhul Quddus Talukdar Dulu, Nadim Mostafa and Abu Hena, the MP from Bangla Bhai’s area.
Photos of these individuals were published on the front page with the lead news. Such blatant yellow journalism, accusing eight prominent political figures without any evidence, is a grave offence.
Yet even after committing such heinous, anti-national crimes, the Prothom Alo and The Daily Star remain untouchable.
During the BNP’s rule, the Prothom Alo continuously published fictitious, fabricated stories linking the BNP to militancy. On 5 October 2005, it ran a story titled “Same Militants Bomb Twice,” in which they tried to establish a link between militants and Jamaat as well.
All of this was premeditated and politically motivated.
When the Awami League came to power in 2009, the Prothom Alo’s attitude towards militancy changed dramatically. Despite numerous killings of law enforcement personnel, the emergence of new militant groups, and deaths in police custody, none of these incidents were given prominent coverage.
Instead, the newspaper started writing articles defending the government’s failures and portraying any criticism as “anti-state” or “pro-militancy.”
After 2007, as BNP’s organisational activities began to gain momentum again, a third kind of campaign emerged from the Prothom Alo: mocking the party’s movement and leadership. Every initiative by the BNP- be it rallies, press conferences, or election campaigns- was portrayed as either weak, irrelevant or amusing.
During major movements in 2013 and 2014, BNP’s efforts were framed by the Prothom Alo as “terrorism” and “anarchy.” When the BNP boycotted the 2014 election, the Prothom Alo backed the one-sided election by publishing editorials and columns justifying it.
Even during BNP’s recent movements in 2022 and 2023, which drew massive public participation, the Prothom Alo persistently published reports attempting to belittle the rallies, downplay turnout or question the leadership’s credibility.
Political analysts say this was not just bias- this was a concerted propaganda effort designed to destroy the BNP’s image and delegitimise it as a political force.
BNP leaders say they do not expect favourable coverage from any newspaper, but they do expect at least fairness and truth. “The Prothom Alo did not just go against the BNP, it went against journalism,” a senior leader of the party said.
According to multiple political observers, Prothom Alo’s long-standing propaganda against the BNP has now been exposed. Over the past two decades, they played a pivotal role in engineering the political landscape of Bangladesh, especially by demonising the BNP and facilitating the consolidation of power by the Awami League.
BNP leaders and supporters now demand accountability for these years of disinformation. They believe a time will come when the people of Bangladesh will hold these so-called media giants responsible for their role in promoting falsehoods, stifling democracy and silencing dissent.
Bd-Pratidin English
